Journal Of Egyptian Archaeology Vol.35

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

I ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA '

i i

ARCHEOLOGICAL
I LIBRARY

ACCESSION NO

0

CALL No. V / X ^ J / Ji- ^

/

THE JOURNAL OF

V04yME 35
DECEMBER 1949

rL ELf-KEO I V

THE EGYPT EXPEORATION SOCIETY

: HiXDT 'TRFET, N'l AW 'HEATER ST'UARE. LONDON. \L', 1
Pnce r:-'r.-p.r-r..~rr: cr

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The Egypt Exploration Society

(so styled since 1919) was founded in 1882, and incorporated in 1888 as the ‘Eg\'pt
Exploration Fund’.

Ever since its foundation it has made surveys and conducted explorations and
excavations in Egypt, in accordance with the best methods of scientific investigation,
for the purpose of obtaining information about the ancient history, religion, arts,
literature, and ethnology of that country. The Society’s activities have recently been
extended to the exploration of sites of the Pharaonic Period in the Sudan.

Those of the antiquities discovered which are not retained, according to law, bv
the Antiquities Departments of Egypt and the Sudan are exhibited in London everv
year and are then distributed among public museums in the United Kingdom, the
British Dominions, the United States of America, and elsewhere, in strict proportion
to the contributions from each locality.

All persons interested in the promotion of the Society’s objects are eligible for
election as Alembers. The entrance fee hitherto payable has been suspended until
further notice. The annual subscription is £2. 2s., due on ist January. If desired, the
annual subscription of £2. 2s. can be compounded at any time by a single payment
of ^(^31. los.; subscriptions may also be paid by covenants for a minimum term of
seven years.

Alembers have the right of attendance and voting at all meetings, and may intro-
duce friends to the Lectures and Exhibitions of the Society. They have access to the
Library' at the Society’s Rooms in London, and may borrow books.

The J0URN.A.L OF Egyptian Archaeology or, alternatively, a Graeco-Roman
Memoir, is presented gratis to all Members, and other publications may be purchased
by them at a substantial discount.

Subject to certain conditions, of which details may be had on application, all
students between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five are eligible for election as Asso-
ciate Alembers. Associate Alembers receive the Journal, gratis and post free, and
enjoy all other privileges of membership except the right to vote at meetings. The
annual subscription for Associate Mem’oers is lo^. 6d.

Persons may also join the Society as Associates at an annual subscription of js. 6d.
Associates are entitled to receive the Annual Report and tickets for lectures and exhi-
bitions, and to use the Library' in London, but not to take out books.

Full particulars may be obtained from the Secretary, 2 Hinde Street, [Manchester
Square, London, W. i.

All communications to the Journ.-^l of Egyptian Arch.\eology should be sent
to the Editor, R. O. F.-\ulkner, Esq., Ebor Cottage, Old Boars Hill, Oxford.
All books for review should be sent to the Secret.\ry of the Egypt Explor.a.tion
Society, 2 Hinde Street, [Manchester Square, London, W. i.

All subscriptions for the Journwl of Egyptian Arch.\eology should be sent to
the Honorary Treasurer of the Egypt Explor.\tion Society, 2 Hinde Street,
Manchester Square, London, W. i.

THE JOURNAL OF

Egyptian Archaeology

38

VOLUME 35

PUBLISHED BY

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION SOCIETY

2 HINDE STREET, MANCHESTER SQUARE, LONDON, W. 1

1949

PRINTED IN
GREAT BRITAIN
AT THE

UNIVERSITY PRESS
OXFORD
BY

CHARLES BATEY
PRINTER
TO THE
UNIVERSITY

2>Xt>si :j . E

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED
TO

SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

D.Litt., F.B.A.

HONORARY FELLOW OF THE QUEEN*S COLLEGE, OXFORD;

VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION SOCIETY;

HON. MEMBER OF THE DANISH AND BAVARIAN ACADEMIES OF SCIENCE;
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE BERLIN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, THE AMERICAN
PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, AND l’ACADEMIE DES INSCRIPTION’S ET BELLES-LETTRES;
MEMBRE .ASSOCIE DE l’iNSTITUT d’EGYPTE

TO MARK HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY
AS A TOKEN OF AFFECTION AND REGARD
FROM HIS FRIENDS AND COLLEAGUES
AT HOME AND ABROAD

CONTENTS

Editorial Foreword

Bibliography of Sir Alan Henderson Gardiner

Birds and Bats at Bent Hasan . .

A Special Use of the sdm-f asd sdm-ti-f Forms. .

On the Origin of the Egyptian Conjunctive . .

On the Structure of the Expressions denoting Existence and
Non-existence in Middle Egyptian . .

R. O. Faulkner . .
Nina AL Davies . .
Battiscombe Gunn
Jaroslav Cerny . .

T. W. Thacker . .

L’Expression dns mhict des autobiogr.\phies egyptiennes . . J. J. Clere

Career of the Great Steward Henenu under Nebhepetre'
AIentuhotpe

A Buhen Stela from the Second Intermediate Period

A New Middle Kingdom Letter from El-Lahun

Notes on the Inscriptions of Suty and Hor . .

The Nevill Papyrus: a Late Ramesside Letter to an Oracle

Rouge et nu.ances voisines

Les Signes noirs dans les rubriques

The Rite of ‘Bringing the Foot’ as portrayed in Temple
Reliefs

The Earliest Version of Book of the Dead 78

The Significance of the Ceremony Hut B/iszc in the Temple
of Horus at Fdfu

Une Representation rare sur l’une des chapelles de Tout-
ankhamon

La Cryptographie de la chapelle de Toutankhamon

Some Farly Dynastic Contributions to Egyptian Archi-
tecture

Un Detail de la decoration d’une tombe thebaine; un vase
AVEC une representation de chevaux

An Egyptian Statuette in Malta

A PROPOs d’un groups DU Serapeum de Memphis conserve au
Musee du Louvre

William C. Hayes
T. Save- Soderbergh
Bernhard Grdseloff
Jean Sainte Fare Garnot
John Barns
Gustave Lefebvre
Georges Posener

Harold H. Nelson
A. de Buck

A. M. Blackman and
H. W. Fairman

Alexandre Piankoff
Etienne Drioton. .

1. E. S. Edwards

G. Nagel
Rosalind Moss . .

Jacques Vandier. .

page

vii

I

13

21

25

31

38

43

50

59

63

69

72

77

82

87

98

113

117

133

129

132

135

VI

CONTENTS

Names and Relationships of the Royal Family of Napata . .

Gr.\phies demotiques DU MOT ‘nourriture’, ‘ration’, etc.

A Souvenir of Napoleon’s Trip to Egypt
Anastasi, Sallier, and Harris and their Papyri
A Note ON P.S.I. ii6o

Pharaonic Survivals between Lake Chad and the West Coast

Dows Dunham and AI. F.

Laming Macadam

•• 139

Michel Malinine

■ ■ 150

John D. Cooney

153

Warren R. Dawson

.. 158

Sir Harold Bell . .

167

G. A. Wainwright

170

LIST OF PLATES

Plate I, Sir Alan Henderson Gardiner .....
Plate II. Birds in the Tomb of Bakt HI (No. 15) at Beni Hasan

Plate HI. Bats and Birds in the Tomb of Bakt HI (No. 1 5) at Beni
Hasan ........

Plate IV. Stela A of the Great Steward Henenu
Plate V. A Middle Kingdom Letter from El-Lahun
Plate VI. The Nevill Papyrus ......

Plate VH. The Ceremony of Driving the Calves

Plates VIII-XI. Ciy'ptographic Texts on one of the Chapels of Tut-
‘ankhamun .... ...

Plate XH. Decorated Vases in Tomb No. 56 .

Plate XIII. Statue of Nefer'abu at Valetta. . . . .

Plate XIV. Serapeum Stela now in the Louvre ....

Plates XV-XVL XApatan Royal Names ......

Plate XVII. Statue of Senwosret-Sonbefni ....

Frontispiece
betzveen pp. 14 and 15

>j ^4 )> 15

» 44 .. 45

facing p. 60

.. 70

„ 98

between pp. 1 14 and 1 15
facing p. 130

„ 132

,, 136

between pp. 140 and 141
facing p. 154

EDITORIAL FOREWORD

IN March 1949 our Vice-President, Sir Alan Gardiner, attained the age of seventy
years. In view of his unrivalled services to scholarship in general, and to this Society
in particular, Egyptologists everywhere were anxious to pay him tribute by offering
contributions to the science to which Sir Alan has devoted his whole life, and it
seemed appropriate that this Journal, of which he has been Editor on several occasions
and for many years, should be the medium for publishing those tributes. As will be
seen from the Table of Contents, scholars of many nations have collaborated to
produce this volume, and it has been only the ineluctable restrictions imposed by
post-war conditions which have prevented the list of contributors from being almost
as long again. That is why many names we should have wished to see are not
represented; two others, those of Professor Glanville and hi. Charles Kuentz, are
absent through circumstances beyond their own control. But whether their names
appear in this present volume or not, all Egyptologists throughout the world unite in
wishing Sir Alan all happiness for many years to come.

The new season of 1949-50 marks a change in the Society’s policy of field-work.
The cost of excavation is now so high, and the Society’s obligations in the matter of
publications so heavy that, despite the Treasury grant-in-aid, the financial burden
of digging has become uneconomical, especially in view of the facts that no foreign
contributions towards the cost of our excavations were available in 1948-9, and that
our work at Amarah West has produced no movable objects of the kind which would
attract financial support from museums. The Committee has therefore come to the
conclusion that greater benefits to science would be obtained for less outlay by a
revival of the work of the Archaeological Survey in recording monuments above
ground; the urgency of this work is great, owing to the ever-growing losses from
weather and the hands of vandals. As a result, it has been decided that further work
at Amarah West shall be confined to the clearance of a small area left incompletely
explored, and that the site shall then be given up. This work will be under the direc-
tion of Air. P. L. Shinnie, and we acknowledge gratefully grants towards meeting
the cost from the Griffith Institute and from the Sudan Government. Our principal
task in the field this season is the completion of the recording of the rock tombs at
Meir, where Professor Blackman hopes to round off the work so successfully carried
out by him at this site in years past, to which four volumes of the Archaeological
Survey publications bear witness. Mr. M. Apted will first join Mr. Shinnie in the
Sudan and will later assist Professor Blackman at Meir.

For some time past the Society has endeavoured to obtain the right to accept
covenanted subscriptions from members, so as to obtain some measure of tax relief,
but this proved impossible without alteration of the i\rticles of Association. Accord-
ingly an Extraordinary General Meeting of the Society was held at No. 2 Hinde

Vlll

EDITORIAL FOREWORD

Street on September 21, 1949, and a Special Resolution was passed to the effect that
the Articles be altered as follows:

(«) By inserting at the end of the existing Article 7 the words following:

‘Provided always that notwithstanding anything in this Clause contained the Committee shall
have and shall be deemed as from the Incorporation of the Society to have had power (i) to suspend
or waive for such period and in such manner as they shall in their absolute discretion think fit the
payment of any entrance fee or annual subscription payable under the provisions of this Clause and
(ii) to accept covenanted subscriptions for not less than seven years at the rate of any annual sub-
scription fixed under the provisions of this Clause.’

(b) By inserting at the end of the existing Article 9 the words following :

‘The provisions of this Clause shall have effect subject always to any exercise by the Committee
of the powers referred to in the proviso to Clause 7 hereof to suspend or waive the payment of any
entrance fee or annual subscription payable under that Clause or to accept covenanted subscriptions
as therein provided.’

(c) By deleting from the existing Article 14 the words from ‘Eveiy^ member shall
be entitled’ to the end of that Article. It is thus now possible for the Society to accept
subscriptions covenanted for a term of not less than seven years, and it is hoped that
as many members as possible will take advantage of this facility and thus obtain for
the Society remission of Income Tax on their annual payments. At the same meeting
a new Article 36a was added in order to prevent the disqualification in respect of
service on the Committee of members reaching the age of seventy.

Not a year goes by but the death of one more of the little band of Egyptologists has
sadly to be recorded. We have now suffered the grievous loss of Professor Percy E.
Newberry, v'hose association with the Egypt Exploration Fund goes back into the
last century; it is fifty-five years since there appeared that work on the tombs at
Beni Hasan with which he inaugurated the publications of the Archaeological Survey
and thus started the series of tomb-records later carried on by Griffith, Davies, and
Blackman. It is impossible to cite all Professor Newberry’s writings here; suffice
it to name Beni Hasan I and II, El Bersheh I and II, Rekhmara, Scarabs, and his
contributions to the Cairo Catalogue, all of which have long been indispensable to
the student. In the period 1906-19 he occupied the chair of Egyptology at Liverpool
University; from 1929 to 1933 he was Professor of Archaeology at Cairo University;
in 1926-7 he served as Vice-President of the Royal Anthropological Institute, while
only shortly before his death he was invited to accept a Vice-Presidency of our own
Society. He will be mourned alike as a scholar and as a friend, and we can only assure
Mrs. Newberry of the heartfelt sympathy of all who knew him.

(l)

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

1905

1909

1911

1913

1915

1916

1917
1923

1926

1927

By R. O. FAULKNER
I. Egyptological Books

The Inscription of Mes. In K. Sethe, UntersiicJmngen zur Geschichte und
Altertiimshmde Agyptens, i\, 2 - 54 PP- Leipzig, Hinrichs.

The Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage. vi + ii6 pp.; 19 pis. Leipzig,
Hinrichs.

Die Erzahlung des Sinuhe und die Hirtengeschichte. In Literarische Texte
des Mittleren Reiches, ii, ed. A. Erm.unu 17 pp.; 17X2 pis. Leipzig,
Hinrichs.

Egyptian Hieratic Texts. Series I: Literary Texts of the New Kingdom.
Part I d The Papyrus Anastasi I and the Papyrus Roller, together with
the parallel texts. 42-4(49 X 2) pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs.

(With H. Thompson and J. G. Milne.) Theban Ostraca. In University of
Toronto Series. 214 pp.; ii pis. [A. H. G. Part I, pp. 1-160 only].
London, Milford.

(With A. E. P. Weigall.) A Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs
of Thebes. 45 pp.; 15 pis. London, Quaritch.

(With Nina de G.aris Davies.) The Tomb of Amenemhet (No. 82). Theban
Tombs Series, ed. by Norman de G.aris Davies and Al.an H. Gardiner,
first memoir, vii -7-132 pp. ; 46 pis. London, Egypt Exploration Society.

Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. Reprinted (ix 4-195 pp.) with additional
Translation, Postscript, and Indexes, from Rec. trav. 32, 1-28; 214-30;
33, 67-94; 221-30; 34, 52-77; 193-206; 36, 17-50; 192-209. Paris,
Champion.

(With T. Eric Peet.) The Inscriptions of Sinai, Part 1. 20 pp.; 86 pis.
London, Egypt Exploration Society.

(With Nina de Garis Davies.) Facsimiles of Theban Wall-paintings. 16
pp.; 4 pis. London, Victoria and Albert Museum.

(With Nina de Garis Davies.) The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the
Reign of Tut<ankhamun. Theban Tombs Series, ed. by Norman de Garis
Davies and Al.an H. G.ardiner, fourth memoir. 42 pp.; 40 pis. Lon-
don, Egvpt Exploration Society.

Egyptian Grammar, being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs.
xxviii4-595 pp. O.xford, Clarendon Press. See too under 1949.

I Discontinued in this form. Resumed from 1932 on in the Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca.

B

2

R. O. FAULKNER

1928 (With Kurt Sethe.) Egyptian Letters to the Dead, mainly from the Old and
Middle Kingdoms, ix + 32 pp.; ii -|-6 pis. London, Egypt Exploration
Society.

Catalogue of the Eg}’ptian Hieroglyphic Printing Type from IVIatrices owned
and controlled by Dr. Alan H. Gardiner.^ [Introduction by A. H. G.]
45 pp. Oxford, University Press. Also Cambridge, University Press.
Also a French translation, Brussels, Fondation eg^'ptologique Reine
Elisabeth. See too Additions to the Hieroglyphic Fount, JEA 15, 95;

!/> 245-7-

1931 Description of a Hieratic Papyrus with a Mythological Stoiy", Love-songs,

and other Miscellaneous Texts. The Chester Beatty Papyri, No. 1 .
The Library of A. Chester Beatty. 46 pp.; 30X3 pis. London, Emery
Walker.

1932 Late-Egyptian Stories. Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, i. xv + (iooX2) + i pp.

Brussels, Fondation egyptologique Reine Elisabeth.

1935 The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead. The Frazer
Lecture, 1935. 45 pp- Cambridge, University Press.

Hieratic Papyri in the British Aluseum. Third Series, Chester Beatty Gift.
Vol. I, Text, ix + 142 pp. Vol. II, Plates, 72+23 pis. London, British
Museum.

(With Mme Gauthier-Laurent.) Supplement to Gardiner’s Eg^'ptian
Grammar. [A. H. G. Additions and Corrections, pp. 1-21; Mme
G.-L. General Index of References, pp. 23-78.] Sold by Mme G.-L.,
37 Avenue du Roule, Neuilly-sur-Seine (Seine).

1937 Late-Egyptian IMiscellanies. Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vii. xxi +(142X2) pp.
Brussels, Fondation egyptologique Reine Elisabeth.

1939 (With J. Cap ART.) Le Papyrus Leopold H et le Papyrus Amherst, [x] pp.;

4X2 pis. Brussels, Patrimoine des Musees Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire.

1940 Ramesside Administrative Documents, [i] +(23 X2) pp. [Provisional issue,

see below under 1948 for completion.] Privately printed for the Editor
by Percy Lund, Humphries & Co., Ltd., London.

1941 The Wilbour Papyrus. Vol. i, Plates. See belozv under 1941-8.

1947 Ancient Egyptian Onomastica. 3 vols. Vol. i. Text, xxiii + 68+215 pp.

Vol. ii, [Text, cont.] 324 pp. Vol. iii. Plates, 27 + 13 pis. Oxford,
University Press.

1941-8 The Wilbour Papyrus. 3 vols. Vol. i, Plates, 1941, 72 + 73 pis. Vol. ll.
Commentary, 1948, 216 pp., 5 pp. Tables, 2 maps. Vol. iii. Transla-
tion, 1948, xi-i-135 pp. \In preparation, Vol. iv. Indexes, by R. O.
Faulkner.] Published for the Brooklyn Museum. Oxford, University
Press.

‘ Xow in the possession of the Oxford University Press.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

3

1948 Ramesside Administrative Documents. xxiv + (83 X2) — 18 pp. Published on

behalf of the Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum. Oxford, University
Press, Geoffrey Cumberlege.

1949 In preparation. Egv^ptian Grammar, and edition. Oxford, University Press,

Geoffrey Cumberlege.

II. Egyptological articles, chapters in books, reviews, and shorter notes ^

1895 The Reign of Amen-em-hat 1 . Biblia, 7, 337-42.

1896 (Note on the newly discovered Israel stela.) Rev. arch., 3rd series, 29, 120-1.

1897 Notes on some Stelae. Rec. trav. 19, 83-6.

1900 The Relative Adjective 2 ^. PSBA 22, 37-42.

Notes: (i) ^ and 2 ^; (2) The Demonstrative and its Derivatives.
PSBA 22, 321-5.

1901 Review of K. Sethe, Sesostris (Id., Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und

Altertumskunde Agyptens, ii, i, Leipzig, Hinrichs). Man, i. No. 24.

1902 A Monument of Antef V from Coptos. PSBA 24, 204-5.

The Word in the Inscription of and a Note on the Alillingen

Papyrus 1 . 3-4. PSBA 24, 349 ^ 54 -

1903 On the Meaning of the Preposition f’s. PSBA 25, 334-6.

The Group ‘Overseer’. ZAS 40, 142-4.

Imhotep and the Scribe’s Libation. ZAS 40, 146.

1904 The Name of King Sankhere. PSBA 26, 75-6.

The Reading of ZAS 41, 73-6.

The Word 4 L Uo- 5 -

A Use of the Later Absolute Pronoun. ZAS 41, 135-6.

The Installation of a Vizier. Rec. trav. 26, 1-19.

The Inscriptions. Chapter VII in Ayrton, Currelly, and Weigall,
Abydos, Part HI, pp. 39-45 and various Pis., London, Egypt Explora-
tion Fund.

1905 The Hero of the Papyrus d’Orbiney. PSBA 27, 185-6.

Hymns to Amon from a Leiden Papyrus. ZAS 42, 12-42.

The Egvptian Word for ‘Herdsman’, etc. ZAS 42, 116-23.

Agyptologie. (Report on publications from autumn 1903 to autumn 1904.)

ZDMG 59, 209-16.

1906 Four Papvri of the XVHIth Dynasty from Kahun. ZAS 43, 27-45, with

Pis. i-iii.

Note on the ‘Ring’ and its Relation to the dbn. ZAS 43, 45-7.

A Statuette of the High Priest of Memphis, Ptahmose. ZAS 43, 55-9.

The Goddess Ningal in an Eg}'ptian Text. ZAS 43, 97.

The Origin of the Coptic Tense Futurum I. ZAS 43, 97-8.

‘ For the abbreviations used for periodicals, etc., see this Journal, 25, 231.

R. O. FAULKNER

4

(1906) Mesore as First iMonth of the Eg\’ptian Year. ZAS 43, 136-44.

Note on the Foregoing Article (namely, K. Sethe, Der Name des Gottes Krj^).
ZAS 43, 148-9.

The particle o 43> i59-6o-

Kjj-bzv ‘Foreigners’. ZAS 43, 160.

1907 Fine neue Handschrift des Sinuhegedichtes. Sitziingsb. Berlin, philos.-

histor. Klasse, 1907, 142-50.

The Hieratic Writing of the Verb hzo ‘to strike’. ZAS 44, 126-9.

(Account of a fragmentary hieratic papyrus with, on recto, part of the royal
panegyric treated by Ch. Kuentz in Studies presented to F. LI. Griffith,
97-110, and, on verso, part of a magical text.) In W. M. Flinders
Petrie, Gizeh and Rif eh, 27, with PI. xxvii o.

1908 Notes on Egyptian Magic. Trans. Third Internal. Congr. Hist. Religions

(Oxford), 208-10.

Notes on the Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor. ZAS 45, 60-6.

The Origin of the Coptic Negative utne. ZAS 45, 73-9.

Inscriptions from the Tomb of Si-renpowet I, Prince of Elephantine.

ZAS 45, 123-40, with Pis. vi-viii.

The Egyptian Name of the Nile. ZAS 45, 140-1.

1909 A Late-Egyptian Letter. PSBA 31, 5-13, with Pis. i, i a, ii, ii A.

1910 (With K. Sethe.) Zur Vocalisation des Dualis im Agyptischen. ZAS 47,

42-59-

The Tomb of Amenemhet, High-priest of Amon. ZAS 47, 87-99, i-

A Late-Egyptian Idiom. [The expression zAs^j, 134-6.

The Colour of Mourning. ZAS 47, 162-3.

The Goddess Nekhbet at the Jubilee Festival of Rameses III. ZAS 48,

47-51-

Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. Rec. trav. 32, 1-28; 214-30. See too I, under
1916.

Art. ‘Egypt, Religion’ in Encyclopaedia Britannica, eleventh edition, 9, 48-57.
Review of G. AIoller, Hieratische Paldographie (Vol. i. Leipzig, Hinrichs.)
Man, 1910, No. 90.

1911 Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. Rec. trav. 33, 67-94; 221-30. See too I,

under 1916.

‘To wait for’ in Egyptian. ZAS 49, 100-2.

Note appended to art. F. Cumont, A propos de I’aigle funeraire des Syriens
in Rev. hist. rel. 63, 1-8.

1912 Review of R. Weill, Les decrets royaux de Vancien empire e'gyptien (Paris,

Geuthner). PSBA 34, 257-65.

Art. ‘Ethics and Morality (Egyptian)’ in Hastings’s Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, 5, 475-85.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER 5

(1913) The Stele of Bilgai. ZAS 50, 49-57, with PI. iv.

A Late-Egyptian use of the Older Absolute Pronouns. ZAS 50, 1 14-17.
Notes on the Story of Sinuhe. Rec. trav. 34, 52-77; 193-206. See too I,
under 1916.

A Political Crime in Ancient Egypt. JMEOS 1912-13, 57-64.

1913 The Inscription of Amenhotep. Chapter IX in W. M. Flinders Petrie,

Tarkhan I and Memphis V, pp. 32-6, with Pis. Ixxviii-lxxx. London,
University College and Quaritch.

In Praise of Death: a Song from a Theban Tomb. PSBA 35, 165-70.

An Unusual Sketch of a Theban Funeral. PSBA 35, 229, with PI. xlvi.
Notes on the Story of the Eloquent Peasant. PSBA 35, 264-76.

1914 New Literary Works from Ancient Egypt. JEA i, 20-36; 100-6.

Notes on the Story of the Eloquent Peasant. PSBA 36, 15-23 ; 69-74.
Notes on the Stor}^ of Sinuhe. /ran. 36, 17-50 ; 192-209. See too I,

under 1916.

The Map of the Gold Alines in a Ramesside Papyrus at Turin. Cairo
Scie?itific Journal, 8, 41-6.

1915 The Nature and Development of the Egyptian Hieroglyphic Writing. JEA

2,61-75.

Review of J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough: Adonis, Attis, Osiris (2 vols.,
London, IMacmillan). JEA 2, 12 1-5.

The Egyptian Word for ‘Dragoman’. PSBA 37, 117-25, with PL xi.

Some Personifications. 1 . Hike, the God of Alagic. PSBA 37, 253-62, with
PI. xxvii.

Fresh Light upon the Origin of the Semitic Alphabet. Paper read in the
Anthropological Section (H) of the British Association at Alanchester
[ 2 PP-]-

Art. ‘Life and Death (Egyptian)’ in Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics, 8 , 19-25.

Art. ‘Magic (Egyptian)’. Id. 8, 262-9.

1916 The Egyptian Origin of the Semitic Alphabet. JEA 3, 1-16, with Pis. i-v.
Three Engraved Plaques in the Collection of the Earl of Carnarvon. JEA 3,

73-5, with PI. xi.

The Defeat of the Hyksos by Ramose: the Carnarvon Tablet No. i. JEA 3,
95-100, with Pis. xii, xiii.

Review of G. Maspero, Le Musee Egyptien: Reciieil de Monuments et de
Notices sur les Fouilles d’Egypte, tome troisieme, second fascicule (Cairo,
Inst. fr. d’arch. or.). JEA 3, 143-6.

Review of A. E. Knight, Amentet: an Account of the Gods, Anmlets and
Scarabs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, Longmans, Green & Co.).
JEA 3, 146.

6

(1916)

R. O. FAULKNER

An Ancient List of the Fortresses of Nubia. JEA 3, 184-92.

(Account of a hieratic ostracon in F. Ll. Griffith, A Tourist's Collection of
Fifty Years Ago.) JEA 3, 194-5.

A Stele of the Early Eighteenth Dynasty from Thebes. JEA 3, 256, with
PI. xl.

Notes and News. JEA 3, 139-40; 218-22; 278.

Review of T. E. Peet, The Stela of Sebek-khu (Manchester Museum, Museum
Handbooks, 1914). Mail, 1916, No. 7.

Some Personifications. II. Hu, ‘Authoritative Utterance’ ; Sia, ‘Under-
standing’. PSBA 38, 43-54; 83-95, PI. V.

A Shawabti-figure with Interesting Names. The Evil Eye in Eg}^pt. PSBA
38, 129-30, with PI. vi.

Some Coptic Etymologies. I. S. A. jiiine; B. juiiiti ‘kind’, ‘sort’. II. S. B.
ojoA : A. g-i.A ‘tooth’, ‘tusk’. III. cwt apovpa. IV. S. “sstopn ‘to stumble’.
PSBA 38, 181-5.

Additional Note on A. M. Blackman’s Article {On the Reading of as
‘Ny-sw-t’). Rec. trav. 38, 70.

1917 A New Masterpiece of Egyptian Sculpture. JEA 4, 1-3, with Pis. i-ii.

The Tomb of a Much-travelled Theban Official. JEA 4, 28-38, with Pis.

vi-ix.

Review of E. Devaud, Les Maximes de Ptahhotep (Fribourg, Suisse). JEA
4- 65-6.

(With Howard Carter.) The Tomb of Ramesses IV and the Turin Plan
of a Royal Tomb. JEA 4, 130-58, with Pis. xxix-xxx.

A Stele in the MacGregor Collection. JEA 4, 188-9, with PI. xxxvii.

Review of A. Lythgoe, The Tomb of Senebtisi at LisJit (New York, Metro-
politan Museum of Art). JEA 4, zo^-b.

(With Battiscombe Gunn.) New Renderings of Egyptian Texts. 1 . The
Temple of the Wady Abbad. JEA 4, 241-51, with PI. liii.

The Earliest Boats on the Nile. (Supplementary Note to the Art. with same
title by J. H. Breasted, JEA 4, 174-6.) JEA 4, 255, with PI. liv.

An Archaic Funerary Stele. JEA 4, 256-60, with PI. Iv.

Notes and News. JEA 4, 63-4; 200-2; 280-1.

Professional Magicians in Ancient Egypt. PSBA 39, 31-44.

Postscripta. PSBA 39, 133-40.

Art. ‘Personification (Egyptian)’ in Hastings’s Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics, 9, 787-92.

Art. ‘Philosophy (Egyptian)’. Ib. 9, 857-9.

1918 (With Battiscombe Gunn.) New Renderings of Eg}’ptian Texts. 11 . The

Expulsion of the Hyksos. JEA 5, 36-56.

The Delta Residence of the Ramessides. JEA 5, 127-38; 179-200; 242-71,
with PI. XXXV.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

(1918)

1920

1921

1922

1923

1924

1925

7

The Supposed Egyptian Equivalent of the Name of Goshen. JEA 5, 218-

-7

Notes and News. JEA 5, 65-9; 140-2; 216-17; 303-4.

An Unrecognized Egyptian Adverb PSBA 40, 5-7.

The Ancient Military Road between Eg}"pt and Palestine. JEA 6, 99-116,
with Pis. xii-xiii.

(With S. L.vngdon.) The Treaty of Alliance between Hattusili, King of the
Hittites, and the Pharaoh Ramesses H of Egypt. JEA 6, 179-205, with
PI. xviii.

Another Statue of a Man named Roy as Worshipper of the Sun-god. JEA
6, 212-13, PI. xxii.

Notes and News. JEA 6, 65-6; 147-8; 219-21 ; 294.

Review of Sir A. E. Wallis Budge, A/i Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary
(London, John Murray). Spectator, Aug. 7, 1920.

The Graffiti. Chapter IV (pp. 27-9) in N. and Nina de Garis Davies, The
Tomb of Antefoker, Vizier of Sesostris I, and of his Wife, Senet {No. 60).
London, Egypt Exploration Society.

Notes and News. JEA 7, 107-10; 216-21.

On Certain Participial Formations in Egyptian. Rev, egyptoL, nouv. serie,
2 ) 42 ~ 52 '

The Relative Form in Egyptian in the Light of Comparative Syntax.
Philologica, i, 1-14.

Egyptian Art at the Burlington Club. Westminster Gazette, June 10, 1921.

Review of A. Erm.an and H. Grapow', Agyptisches Handicorterbnch (Berlin,
Reuther & Reichard). JEA 8, 109-10.

A Stela of the Earlier Intermediate Period. JEA 8, 191— 2, with PI. xviii.
The Geography of the Exodus. Rec. Champ. 203-15.

The Eloquent Peasant. JEA 9, 5-25.

A Hitherto Unnoticed Negative in Middle Egyptian Rec. trav. 40,

79-82.

Der Ag}^ptische Ursprung des Semitischen Alphabets. [Translation of the
article published 1916 \nJEA 3, 1-16.] ZDMG, 2nd series, 2, 92-120,
with Pis. i, ii.

Treasures of Luxor. The Documentary Evidence. [The Tomb of Tut^ankh-
amun]. The Times, Feb. 14, 1923.

The Geography of the Exodus; an answer to Professor Naville and others.
JEA 10, 87-96.

The Term pr-n-sU in Pap. Mayer A. ZAS 59, 72.

(The Synopsis of Dr. Alan H. Gardiner’s Pica Fount of Hieroglyphs. 8 pp.
Oxford, University Press.)

The Secret Chambers of the Sanctuary’ of Thoth. JEA ii, 2-5.

8

R. O. FAULKNER

(1925) Review of K. Sethe, Die Vokalisation des Agyptischen {ZDMG 77, 145-207,
Leipzig, 1923). JEA ii, 123-4.

The Autobiography of Rekhmere^^. ZAS 60, 62-76.

Origin of the Alphabet. The Sinai Inscriptions. Letter to The Times, Oct.
27, 1925.

The Sinai Inscriptions. Letter to The Times, Nov. 6, 1925.

Translations. Chapter VII (pp. 19-20) in W. jM. Flinders Petrie, Tomb of
the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos. London, University College.

1927 An Administrative Letter of Protest. JEA 13, 75-8.

The Inscribed Pottery Bowl. Chapter XXVI (pp. 76-8) in G. Brunton,
Qau and Badari I. London, University College.

1928 The Graffito from the Tomb of Pere. JEA 14, lo-ii, with Pis. v, vi.

An Egyptian Split Infinitive and the Origin of the Coptic Conjunctive Tense.
JEA 14, 86-96.

1929 The Transcription of New Kingdom Hieratic. JEA 15, 48-55.

The Sinai Script and Origin of the Alphabet. PEQ 1929, 48-55.

1930 A New Letter to the Dead. JEA 16, 19-22, with PI. x.

The Origin of certain Coptic Grammatical Elements. [I. The Tense-
formative epc- in Late Egyptian. II . The Origin of iin^vTq, with some
Remarks on IMethod. III. ‘Until he hears’ in Coptic and Late Egyptian.]
JEA 16, 220-34.

Two Hieroglyphic Signs and the Egyptian Words for ‘Alabaster’ and ‘Linen’.
Bull. Inst.fr. 30, 161-83.

= ‘umbilical cord’. ZAS 66, 71.

Obituary of Wilhelm Spiegelberg. The Times, Dec, 12, 1930.

1932 The Astarte Papyrus. Griffith Studies, 74-85, with Pis. 8, 9.

1933 Israel in Egypt. Letter to the Morning Post, Jan. 23, 1933.

The Historical Value of Exodus. Letter to the Morning Post, Feb. 9, 1933.

The Dakhleh Stela. JEA 19, 19-30, with Pis. v-vii.

(Further Note on the Astarte Papyrus.) JEA 19, 98.

Tanis and Pi-Ra'messe: a Retractation. JEA 19, 122-8.

The Supposed Particle 'ff. ZAS 69, 70-1.

Introduction to A. M. Calverley and M. F. Broome, The Temple of King
Sethos I at Ahydos, vol. i (London & Chicago), pp. vii-ix.

(Hieratic Graffito in Tomb No. 112.) Nina de Garis Davies and Norm.an
DE Garis Davies, The Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose, and
Another (Theban Tombs Series, fifth memoir. London, Egypt Explora-
tion Society), pp. 25-6.

1934 iMr. Arthur Weigall (obituary). The Times, Jan. 5, 1934.

Professor Peet (obituary). The Times, Feb. 23, 1934.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

9

(1934) Francis Llewellyn Griffith (obituary). The Oxford Magazine, April 26, 1934.
Two Employments of the Independent Pronouns. JEA 20, 13-17.
Thomas Eric Peet (obituary). JEA 20, 66-70, with PI. xii.

Francis Llewellyn Griffith (obituary). JEA 20, 71-7, with PL xiii.

Notes and News. JEA 20, 107-9; 213-17.

The Earliest Alanuscripts of the Instruction of Amenemmes 1 . Mel. Maspero,
I, 479-96, with a Plate.

A Hieratic Papyrus. [Coffin Text Papyrus presented by A. H. G.] BM
Quart. 8, 73-4.

Discovery at Tell Duweir. Early Alphabets. Letter to The Times, June 6,

1934-

1935 A Lawsuit arising from the Purchase of Two Slaves. JEA 21, 140-6, with

Pis. xiii-xvi.

Piankhi’s Instructions to his Army. JEA 21, 219-23.

Introduction to A. M. Calverley and M. F. Broome, The Temple of King
Sethos I at Abydos, voL ii (London & Chicago), pp. vii-viii.

Professor Breasted (obituary). The Times, Dec. 5, 1935.

1936 (With J. Capart and B. van de Walle.) New Light on the Ramesside

Tomb-robberies. JEA 22, 169-93, "^^th Pis. x-xvi.

The Egyptian Origin of some English Personal Names. JAOS 56, 189-97.

1937 Late Writings of ‘magistrates’. ZAS 73, 74.

Some Aspects of the Egyptian Language. Proc. Brit. Acad. 23, 81-104.

A Priest of King Tuthmosis III and Prince Wadjmose. Orientalia, new
series, 6, 358-9.

Professor Erman (obituary). The Times, June 30, 1937.

Origin of our Alphabet : an Inscription on a Dagger. Letter to The Times,
July 16, 1937.

Origin of our Alphabet. Antiquity, no. 43, Sept. 1937, pp. 359-60, with
PI. 12.

1938 The Late J. L, Starkey, an Appreciation. The Times, Jan. 18, 1938.

The Mansion of Life and the Master of the King’s Largess. JEA 24, 83-91,
with Pis. V, vi.

A Later Allusion to Akhenaten. JEA 24, 124.

The Idiom it in. JEA 24, 124-5.

The House of Life. JEA 24, 157-79.

The Egyptian for ‘in other words’, ‘in short’. JEA 24, 243-4.

The Reading of the Egyptian Word for ‘Necropolis’. JEA 24, 244-5.
Introduction to A. M. Calverley and AI. F. Broome, The Temple of King
Sethos I at Abydos, vol. iii (London & Chicago), pp. vii-ix.

1939 Review of Bauer, Der Ursprung des Alphabets (Leipzig, Hinrichs) in Der alte

Orient, 36, pts. 1-2. PEO 1939, 111-16.

c

10

R. O. FAULKNER

1940 Adoption Extraordinary. JEA 26, 23-9, with Pis. v, v a, vi, vi a, vii, vii a.
The Word mcdi and its Various Uses. JEA 26, 157-8.

The Expression taaticoii. JEA 26, 158-9.

1941 Tut^ankhamun’s Gold Dagger. JEA 27, i, with PI. i.

Ramesside Texts relating to the Taxation and Transport of Corn. JEA 27,
19-73, with Pis. vii, viii.

The Cow’s Belly. JEA 27, 158.

Review of N. and B. Langton, The Cat in Ancient Egypt (Cambridge, Uni-
versity Press). JEA 27, 173.

Notes and News. JEA 27, 162-5.

A Bronze Statuette of the God Somtous. Miscellanea Gregoriana (Rome,
Vatican), 89-91.

1942 Professor G. A. Reisner (obituary). Nature, July 18, 1942,

Professor Sir W. M. F. Petrie (obituary). Nature, Aug. 15, 1942.

Writing and Literature. Chapter 3 in The Legacy of Egypt, ed. by S. R. K.

Glanwille (Oxford, Clarendon Press), pp. 53-79, with PI. i.

Editorial Foreword. JEA 28, i, with Pis. i [Tut^ankhamun’s Iron Dagger]
and iv [The Celestial Cow in the Tomb of Sethos I].

Norman de Garis Davies (obituary). JEA 28, 59-60, with PI. vii.

Review of H. E. Winlock, Materials used at the Embalming of King Tut-
rankh-amun: Metropolitan Museum of Art, Papers No, 10 (New York,
1941). JEA 28, 71.

1943 (Speech on the past and future of the Egypt Exploration Society.) In

Conference on the Future of Archaeology: Occasional Paper No, 5 of the
University of London Institute of Archaeology.

Editorial Foreword. JEA 29, i, with PI. i [Limestone bust of ^Ankhhaf,
Boston], and PI. ii [Painted Wooden Model of Offering-bearers, Boston].
(With H. 1 . Bell). The Name of Lake Moeris. JEA 29, 37-50.

The God Semseru. JEA 29, 75-6.

The Word hm in ‘His Alajesty’ and the like. JEA 29, 79.

1944 Editorial Foreword. JEA 30, i.

Horus the Behdetite. JEA 30, 23-60, with Pis. iii-vi.

Dr. W. E. Crum (obituary). The Times, May 22, 1944.

1945 Editorial Foreword. JEA 31, 1-2.

Regnal Years and Civil Calendar in Pharaonic Egypt. JEA 31, 11-28.

The Supposed Athribis of Upper Egypt. JEA 31, 108-11.

The Original of Coptic ‘see’. JEA 31, 113.

Additions and Corrections to ‘Horus the Behdetite’. JEA 31, 116.

1946 Editorial Foreword. JEA 32, 1-2, with PI. i [Geese from the Tomb of

Kaem'onkh at Gizah].

Davies’s Copy of the Great Specs Artemidos Inscription. JEA 32, 43-56,
with PL vi.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SIR ALAN HENDERSON GARDINER

1 1

(1946) The Instruction addressed to Kagemni and his Brethren. JEA 32, 71-4,
with PI. xiv.

The Accession Day of Sesostris I. JEA 32, 100.

Second Thoughts on the Origin of C'optic tpt-. JEA 32, loi.

Review of Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, vol. 77.
JEA 32, 103-5.

1947 Review of H. J. Polotsky, Etudes de Syntaxe Copte in Piiblicatmis de la

Societe d' Archeologie Copte (Cairo, 1944). JEA 33, 95-101.

1948 Origin of the Alphabet. [On the book by Dr. Diringer.] Letter to Sunday

Times, Alay 9, 1948.

The First Two Pages of the Worterhuch. JEA 34, 12-18.

The Founding of a New Delta Town in the Twentieth Dynasty. JEA 34,
19-22.

Adversaria Grammatica. 1 . The Negative Relative Adjective. JEA 34, 23-6,

1949 The Tomb of Tutankhamun. Letter to The Listener, Alar. 17, 1949.

Still to appear. Arts. ‘Egyptian Language’ and ‘Hieroglyphics’ in Chambers’ s Encyclo-
paedia.

III. Editorial Work

1908 Die Klagen des Bauern, by F. Vogelsang and Al.an H. Gardiner. In
Literarische Texte des Mittleren Reiches, i, ed. A. Eralyn. Leipzig,
Hinrichs. [Transcription of R (the Ramesseum Papyrus).]

1915- 33 The Theban Tombs Series, ed. Norman de Garis Davies and Alan H.

Gardiner, 5 vols. London, Egypt Exploration Fund (Society). [See
above, I, under 1915, 1926; II, under 1920, 1933.]

1916- 21 ; 1934; 1941-6 The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, vols. iii (pt. 2)-vii; xx;

xxvii-xxxii. [See too above, II, Notes and News; Editorial Forewords.]

1933-8 The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, vols. i-iii, London, Egypt Explora-
tion Society, and Chicago, The University of Chicago Press. [Intro-
ductions only, see under IL]

1935- Adriaan de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, ed. Adrlyan de Buck and
Alan H. Gardiner, vols. i-iii. In University of Chicago: Oriental
Institute Publications, ed. James Henry Breasted and Thom.as George
Allen. [General plan; copies and collations of originals from 1922
onwards.]

1936 Ancient Egyptian Paintings, selected, copied, and described by Nina AL
Davies, with the editorial assistance of Al.an H. G.ardiner. 3 vols.
[Vol. Ill, Descriptive Text, in collaboration with N. M. D.]

1948 N. de G-Aris Davies, Seven Private Tombs at Kurnah, ed. Al.an H. G.ardi-
ner. Mond Excavations at Thebes, H. London, Egvpt E.xploration
Society. [Completion of this posthumous work in collaboration with
Mrs. Davies.]

12 R. O. FAULKNER

IV. General Linguistics

1919 Some Thoughts on the Subject of Language. Man, 1919, No. 2.

1922 The Definition of the Word and the Sentence. British Journal of Psychology,

12, 352-61.

1932 The Theory of Speech and Language, viii+332 pp. Oxford, Clarendon
Press. [Second ed. in preparation.]

‘In the Beginning was the Word.’ Letter to Saturday Review, Aug. 27, 1932.

^933 The Theory of Speech and Language: Review of a Review. Man, 1933,
No. 114.

Speech and Language. Letter to The Times Literary Supplement, April 4,

1933-

1934 The English Language. Letter to The Times, Aug. 20, 1934.

1935 The Distinction of ‘Speech’ and ‘Language’. Atti del III. Congresso Inter-

nazionale dei Linguisti [1933], 345-53- Rome.

1936 The Egyptian Origin of some English Personal Names. See under IL

1937 Linguistic Theory. Reply to some Critics. English Studies, 19, 58-65.

On Proper Names. Melanges de Linguistique et de Philologie offerts a Jacques

van Ginneken (Paris, 1937), pp. 307-10.

1940 The Theory of Proper Names: a Controversial Essay. 67 pp. Oxford,
University Press,

1942 Review of R. A. Wilson, The Miraculous Birth of Language. English, 3,
295-6.

1948 De Saussure’s Analysis of the Signe Linguistique. [Criticism of an article
by Professor Benveniste.] Acta Linguistica, 4, 107-10.

V. Miscellaneous

1893 The Adhesives of Baden. Philatelic Journal of Great Britain, 3, 92-3.

More about Baden Stamps, Philatelic Journal of Great Britain, 3, 119—20.

1921 Diverting Charity. Letter to Daily News, Mar. 16, 1921.

1936 A New Year’s Resolution. Letter to The Times, Jan. 4, 1936.

1945 ‘Bottle-Neck’. Letter to Sunday Times, Sept. 23, 1945.

BIRDS AND BATS AT BENI HASAN

By NINA M. DAVIES

These well-known pictures of birds and bats are in the tomb of Bakt III (no. 15), at
Beni Hasan and can be seen in their context in Newberry, Beni Hasan, il, pi. 4. They
were traced by Norman de G. Davies during the season 193 1-2 W'hen some months
were spent on behalf of the Metropolitan Museum of New York painting and studying
details which the small-scale reproductions in the Newberry publications could not
showd

Some of the tracings and paintings were published in the Egyptian Supplement of
the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum (Section II, Bull. MM A, April 1933). A num-
ber of the tracings, however, were never prepared for publication and I have tried to
interpret these two plates (as well as others) into line-drawings so as to preserve the
records.

Being within easy reach of visitors, these lower scenes have suffered much, especially
as regards colour. The outlines, except where breaks occur, are still perceptible and
these outlines are extremely well drawn and show great familiarity with bird-forms.
If the names above them could be equated with the species in all cases we would know
a good deal "about the birds of Ancient Egj'pt, but so far it has not been possible to do
this with certainty except in a few instances. Considerable traces of colour are still
preserved but the prevailing film of salty coating now covering the walls makes it
difficult to decide on the tints even when they exist.

The early copyists of these named birds have left records which show that all are
st ill extant. Wilkinson, who visited the tomb in 1824 (or previously), ^ made the most
valuable contribution in his manuscripts now on loan in the Griffith Institute, Oxford.
He drew the birds twice — once in pencil accompanied by notes of colour, and again in
red ink with washes of colour. They are about one-sixth scale and he apparently found
the colours quite perfect in several cases. Some are shown in red outlines only, the
outlines including details of feathering. Whether these had once been coloured is not
certain. It is evident that he carefully compared Rosellini’s copies with his own, for there
are many notes beneath the birds calling attention to differences of colour or the addition
of a non-existent spur on a bird’s foot. His reproductions of the birds in Manners and
Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (ed. Birch, ii, 1 12-13), ^^^k the delicacy of the originals

• If the notes of colour in the Wilkinson IVISS. had been available when the tracings were made it is possible
that extant fragments could have been interpreted with more certainty.

2 Wilkinson has dated his pages of drawings in pencil as follows: Folio ii, p. 24, 1824, (verso) 1825. In a
little booklet of notes attached to p. 26 a note at the bottom says ‘3rd visit to Beni Hasan’ and a date, 1824, is
written at the top of the page. On p. 28 at the bottom of the sheet where some of the birds are pictured, is
the date 1825. These dates must imply that he preceded Rosellini and Champollion at Beni Hasan, for they
went to Eg)'pt in 1828. His carefully written notes in ink commenting on Rosellini’s copies were evidently
made later at home from the latter’s publication of Mon. Civ. in 1834. It seems as if he were here checking his
own manuscripts with Rosellini’s plates before his M. and C. appeared in 1836.

14

NINA M. DAVIES

and have no notes of colour. The coloured copies of Rosellini and Champollion
(almost identical Avith one another) are ver\^ garish, but the colours correspond generally
with those noted by Wilkinson and marked on N. de G. Davies’s tracings.

Of the two birds (Nos. 14 and 15 on pi. II) painted by HoAvard Carter {Beni Hasan,
IV, pi. 13), No. 14 differs A^er}’ considerably from Wilkinson’s coloured draAAung. The
bird AA'as probably much better preserr^ed in his day and Carter had only faded traces
to guide him. He thought the red (noAV a pink) extended OA'er parts of the bird Avhere
Wilkinson saAV yelloAV, AA’hite, and AA'hite flecked AA'ith red beloAV the Aving-coA^ert.
Carter’s painting of No. 15 approximates closely to Wilkinson’s except for the substitu-
tion of pink for red and a more velloAvish-green.

IM. Gaillard, discussing the plover (No. 6), in Mel. Masp. (i, 2, pp. 465-78), suggests
a theorvy AA'hich he shares AAuth IM. Loret, that birds Avhose plumage has changing tints
according to the angle from Avhich the light catches it Avere painted by the Egyptians
in these reflected lights shoAving red, green, or blue gleams as the sun revealed them.
This might perhaps be the case Avith glossy iridescent plumage but can scarcely apply
to the non-glossy greys and broAvns of the falcon and vulture shoAvn respectively
bright green, and red, blue, green, and black. It seems rather that birds were painted
brightly to achieve a decoratwe effect on the AA'alls Avhere even the colours of men,
Avomen, and gods added to the vivid AA'hole.

Nevertheless, AAEen shoAvn in natural surroundings the artists certainly tended to
paint them nearer to reality as, for example, the birds in the acacia trees in tomb 3 at
Beni Hasan, ^ or the lifelike rendering of the pied kingfisher at El-'Amarnah.^ It is
hardly possible to draAv precise conclusions from either form or colour in Ancient
Egyptian representations, in spite of their keen observation of nature, and Ave ask too
much of them if AA-e try to do so.

The bats on pi. HI have yielded more details than in Beni Hasan, ii, pi. 4, although
the lines are noAV confused and uncertain. They are recorded by Rosellini and Cham-
pollion, and Wilkinson eA’idently saAV them in almost perfect preservation, including
the bat draAvn side-A'ieAV. He shoAvs their colour as a drab broAvnish-pink, and the one
on the right AA’ith a darker browny-red body.

Tavo A’arieties are pictured, large and small, and both these are to be found haunting
the tombs to-day and soiling the Avails. Representations of bats are rare, in fact these
at Beni Hasan seem almost unique. The artist has been at pains to draAV tAA’O vieAvs of
the animals as if he Avere making a study of them.

The bird-trap, inset on pi. H, is to be found in Beni Hasan, ii, pi. 6, AAEere only traces
of the netting appear. Wilkinson {M. and C. 11, 103, fig. 4) shoAA^s the netting coA^ering
the trap as also noted by N. de G. Davies. It is in reality very coarsely painted, espe-
cially the bird, AA’hich has uncertain outlines. There AA’ere painters of different abilities
at Beni Hasan; some AA’hose Avork has much artistic merit and others, like the one
employed here, producing the crudest results Avhich are more apparent on the Avails
than on the reduced scale and precise outlines of the plates. ^

' Anc. Eg. Paintings, l, pi. 9. - Frankfort, The Mural Paintings of El 'Amartieh, pi. 4 .

3 For the full bibliography of these scenes see Porter and XIoss, Top. Bibl. lA', 1 52-3.

Plate III

A

\

■b:

Scafe 1 6

0

BIRDS AND BATS AT BENI HASAN

15

Plate II

1. Gallinule?

Wilkinson MSS. ii, 27 verso, 28, 29, 29A, 30." Two coloured sketches. Red beak and eye; dark-
blue head, breast, and tail; dark-green wing covert; dark-blue thighs; red legs and feet.

Rosellini [Mon. Civ., pis. 9 and 10).’ Similar colours. Text, P|| plainly.

Champollion {Moii. iv, pis. 350, 351, 352).' Similar.

N. de G. Davies. Similar notes of colour on tracing.

Whymper [Egyptian Birds, London, 1909), in a coloured plate from nature, facing p. 168, shows
the colouring exactly as in Wilkinson. Mr. Alexander, of the Edward Grey Ornithological Institute,
points out that although the colouring is that of the gallinule, the outline is more that of the ruddy
shelduck.

2. Species of crane, Gotis gous} Or perhaps a white stork, Ciconia ciconia.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. All white except blue wing covert and tail.

Rosellini. Black tip to beak; white head, breast, and legs; blue wing covert; tail-feathers outlined
in white and red.

Champollion. Similar.

N. de G. Davies. No colours. (Probably only outlines now left.) Wilkinson notes that Rosellini
gives it spurs which he himself did not observe. See Nicoll, Birds of Egypt, ii, 628, fig. 86, for a
picture of the common crane which is fairly close to the above.

3. Pied kingfisher, Ceryle rudis.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Upper part of beak black; rest streaky grey on white.

Rosellini and Champollion. Copper beak black; traces of black on white wing covert.

N. de G. Davies. No colours noted except black on beak.

Gaillard, in Bull. Inst, fr., 30, 249-71, and pi. 4, identifies this bird with the pied kingfisher
[Martin-pecheur pie). The remains of black and white extant when the early copyists saw it seem
to justify this. There are numerous kingfishers represented in the O.K., for example, in the mastabas
of Ti and Mereruka at Sakkarah, but they have lost their colour. A naturalistic picture of a pied
kingfisher in the act of diving is shown at El 'Amarnah.^ For the bird in nature see Nicoll, op. cit.
n, 336.

4. Aquatic bird of some sort.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Top of head white; red beak and legs; green wing covert, breast,
and tail. He notes that he got the colours from Rosellini.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar except that black ou tlines to feathering on the wing covert
are shown.

N. de G. Davies. No colours noted. Probably only outlines now extant.

5. Aquatic bird of some sort.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Yellow beak; black elsewhere; white eye, thighs, and feet.
Rosellini and Champollion. All blue with black outlines to feathering on wing covert; white
beak, legs, and thighs; black feet.

N. de G. Davies. Greenish-black wing covert.

A bird of this kind is often pictured in fowling scenes, cf. Anc. Eg. Paintings, pi. 47.

‘ These references apply throughout. For fuller bibliography see Porter and Moss, Top. Bibl. iv, 152.

- Frankfort, op. cit., pi. 4.

1 6 NINA M. DAVIES

6. Spur-winged plover. Hoplopteriis spinosiis. Named ‘Chardonis Cristatus' ? in Wilk.
^ISS.

Wilkinson IMSS. In colour. Black on top of head extending to crest; white below; black breast
and black above and under wing covert; red wing covert; white thighs; black legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. Blue on top of head, beak, breast, and tail; red wing covert; black
legs and feet. No crest.

N. de G. Davies. Black patch on breast and tail ; pink (faded red) wing covert. No crest.

A small black crest, extending from the beak along the level of the eye and ending in a tuft beyond
the head, is shown only by Wilkinson; its disappearance may be due to the fugitive nature of this
pigment. It is added in dotted lines on the plate from Wilkinson’s copy.

In Nicoll (op. cit. ii, fig. 78, p. 551) a spur-winged plover (uncoloured) approximates closely to
the . It shows elongated feathers forming a short crest extending down the back of the head. A
coloured study from life by Whymper (op. cit., p. 113, pi. 31), and reproduced by Gaillard in Mel.
Masp. I, 2, pp. 465-78, and coloured plate, represents the wing coverts brown instead of red, and
the other colours dark indigo-blue and white ; red eye and black iris. The small flat crest is shown
and the appearance of the bird is much that of the Gaillard omits to mention that the crest,
unseen by Rosellini and Champollion, is shown by Wilkinson in M. and C. iii, 1 12-13. He notes
that the bird has a spur on the feet lacking in nature and suggests that this feature has disappeared
since Dyn. XL This supposition is not considered possible by ornithologists.

7. Black Stork. Ciconia negra}

Wilkinson IVISS. In colour. All black except pink upper wing covert with red outlines and
feathering; white eye, beak, and thighs; grey legs and feet. He calls it ‘a black stork’ in M. and C.
Ill, 1 14.

Rosellini and Champollion. White beak, head, and breast; w'hite upper wing covert with feathers
outlined in red ; blue tail-feathers outlined in red wdth white spaces between.

N. de G. Davies. Black head and breast; streaky-black tail feathers. The shape of the bird indi-
cates a stork. Black storks are rarely found in Eg>'ptian paintings. See Whymper (op. cit., facing
p. 142) for a black stork in nature.

8. Species of water-bird.

Wilkinson MSS. All white outlined in red and a band across the top of the head.

Rosellini and Champollion. Not recorded.

N. de G. Davies. White band on head; pink (faded red) wing covert; grey or black legs and feet.
Wilkinson hatches s and shows no hatching beyond where a = might be expected. It does
not seem possible to identify this bird but its long legs and general shape give the impression of a
water-bird.

9. Duck.

Wilkinson MSS. No colours noted. Pencil sketch. Tail and legs indefinite.

Rosellini and Champollion. Not recorded.

N. de G. Davies. Light-red head.

Wilkinson shows another under == and traces of two other signs beneath it. Newberry saw
the text as ^ state of preser\ ation and was so in Wilkinson's

time. Most of the text is difficult to read since the signs appear to have been corrected and those
painted out are now confused with the scribe’s alterations.

10. Goose.

Wilkinson MSS. Omitted. Rosellini and C’nampollion. Omitted.

N. de G. Davies. No colours noted.

BIRDS AND BATS AT BENI HASAN

17

In O.K. and M.K. the colouring of geese often approximates more closely to nature than later,
cf. Anc. Eg. Paintings, i, pis. 1 and 6. There is nevertheless a very naturalistic rendering on a Dyn.
XVIII fragment in the British hluseum (op. cit. ii, pi. 67).

11. Common crane. Goiis gous.

Wilkinson IMSS. In colour. Black patch on top of head; white elsewhere; green wing covert
extending to end of tail ; green legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. Not recorded.

N. de G. Davies. Blackish-grey wing covert extending to tail.

Text is shown by Wilkinson thus, " . It is evidently a different species from no. 2 which

has a squarish tail instead of a rounded one merging into the wing covert as here. The patch on
the head noted by Wilkinson looks as if it might be elongated feathers. The tail is not that of the
demoiselle crane so commonlv pictured at Beni Hasan (cf. Beni Hasan, i, pi. 30).

12. Night heron. Nycticorax nycticorax.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Black patch on top of head and back; black circle round eye; black
beak; lower part of wing covert grey; rest white; red legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar.

N. de G. Davies. Black beak and patches; grey or streaky-black wing covert; pink below wing
covert; red legs and feet.

Wilkinson, Rosellini, and Champollion add to the text but the signs arc in reality far to the
right and probably relate to a bird either omitted or destroyed. Wilkinsitn shows the text thus:

Nicoll (op. cit. I, 65), states: ‘In the tomb of Baqt a hunched ffgure with a suggestion of thin
plumes springing from the head is exactly in the attitude of a night heron.’ An illustration from
nature in ii, 44S, leaves little doubt as to the identification.

13. Unidentifiable species.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Red beak; rest white with red outlines; grey legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. White; red beak; black legs and feet.

N. de G. Davies. Similar but blue or black legs.

No similar bird can be recalled elsewhere in the paintings.

14. Unidentified.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. White head and beak (hatched); red breast extending up to eye;
yellow below; xvhite above and below the green wing covert; red spots on white between the wing
covert and tail; green legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. White head and beak; red neck; white breast; green wing covert;
white tail and thighs; green feet.

Howard Carter {Beni Hasan, iv, 3 and pi. 13). Head, beak, neck, body, and thighs pink with
streakv-red lines on neck; greenish-yellow wing covert; yellow legs and feet.

N. de G. Davies. Similar to Carter.

Carter’s colours differ ven- considerably from those shown by Wilkinson but only traces now
remain on which he based his painting. Mr. Moreau does not agree with the suggestion in ibid.,
p. 3, that the bird is a painted snipe. The beak is much too short and the colours unnatural. Some
of the hieroglvphs are very uncertain. Wilkinson has two indefinite signs above the final ( and
neither Ne\vberr\- nor N. de G. Davies have seen them any clearer. Champollion omits these and
the final " ^ .

D

i8

NINA M. DAVIES

15. Bittern. Botaunes stellaris}

Wilkinson INISS. In colour. Yellow head; green beak; red body and thighs; green legs and feet.
Rosellini and Champollion. White head ; green beak and legs ; red body.

Howard Carter (loc. cit.). All pink except back of head, beak, legs, and feet, which are yellow.
N. de G. Davies. Similar to Carter.

16. Avocet. Recurirtosha avosetta. Named ‘the Avocetta’ in Wilk. MSS.

Vilkinson IMSS. In colour. White; black bands on wing covert and down back of head; green

legs and feet.

Rosellini, Champollion, and Davies. Similar.

Both form and colour leave no doubt as to the identification of this bird. Nicoll (op. cit. ii,
pi. 28) shows how closely the Egj-ptian artist adhered to nature in this case. The legs and feet,
however, should not be green.

17. Pigeon.^

Wilkinson IMSS. Twice in colour. Blue on back of head, wing covert, and tail; streaks of blue on
breast ; rest white.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar.

N. de G. Davies. No colour noted.

The outlines are now \-e17 broken and the colour gone. The rounded head and blue colour seem
to indicate a pigeon. Cf. Beni Hasan, i, pi. 30, for a row of pigeons.

18. Perhaps a kingfisher (so named by Wilkinson), but identification doubtful.

Wilkinson MSS. Twice in colour. Streaky-blue on white; red outline to eye; black iris.

Rosellini and Champollion. White; green patch on back of head; red patch below; green patches

on breast, wing covert, and tail.

N. de G. Davies. Two green patches on wing covert.

Since Wilkinson calls the bird ‘a kingfisher’ it may perhaps be the ordinary species and not the
pied (no. 3). M. Gaillard (in Bull. Inst, fr., 30, 266, fig. 3) illustrates two species of kingfishers
from the reliefs in the temple of Userkaf. The one on the left without a crest he calls Martin-pecheur
ordmaire, and the shape of the head much resembles the

19. Ringed or Little ringed plover. Char adonis sp.

Wilkinson MSS. Twice in colour. Red patch on top of head; red outline to eye and black iris;
black collar and black patch from beak to back of head ; red wing covert and tail ; white breast and
thighs; red legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar.

N, de G, Davies. Similar, but dull pink instead of red is noted. Wilkinson remarks that Rosellini
shows a spur behind each foot. This he omits in one sketch and draws it in dotted lines in the other
as if it were doubtful. It is not seen in the tracing by N. de G. Davies. I owe the identification as
a ringed plover to Mr. Moreau of the Edward Grey Ornithological Institute.

20. Unidentifiable.

Wilkinson MSS. Twice in colour. Blue beak; red circle round eye and black iris; blue wing
covert ; white breast and thighs ; blue legs and feet.

Rosellini and Champollion. Black beak and in addition lighter blue streaks on white tail; black
outlines to feathering on blue wing covert.

N. de G. Davies. Similar. No details to feathering now visible.

BIRDS AND BATS AT BENI HASAN

19

Gaillard {Bull. Inst, fr., 33, 181-5, and coloured plate) calls the bird le Blongios nain’ {Ardetta
minuta), and says it represents a small heron common to Egypt. He cites Breasted, Edzvin Smith
Surgical Papyrus, pi. 8, 11 . 14-15, p. 293, for another occurrence of the name of the bird. He notes
that it is unknown on the monuments except possibly in the fowling scene in the tomb of Ti.
Mr. Moreau and Mr, Alexander are of opinion, however, that it is not possible to identify the bird
with any known species.

Plate III

21. Unidentifiable. Very similar in form to no. 22.

Wilkinson MSS. White with red outlines to feathering.

Rosellini. White; yellow eye; brownish beak; brownish wing covert and tail; red outlines.
Champollion. Similar, but black wing covert.

N. de G. Davies. Red beak; black tail. Feathering now invisible.

Wilkinson notes that Rosellini adds spurs to the feet which he himself did not see. They are
nevertheless on the tracing.

22. Unidentifiable.

Wilkinson MSS. White with red outlines to feathers.

Rosellini and Champollion. White; red beak; red outlines to feathering; yellow eye.

N. de G. Davies. Red beak noted only.

The colouring here has also probably perished early.

23 and 24. Unidentifiable.

Wilkinson MSS. White with red outlines to feathering.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar, but red shading on upper part of wing.

N. de G. Davies. No colour.

The colours seem to have perished early or possibly they were never coloured. The shapes
suggest birds like chats common in Egy'pt (cf. Shelly, Birds of Egypt, pi. 2). There is also some
resemblance to the smaller birds in the acacia trees in tomb 3 at Beni Hasan (cf. Anc. Eg. Paintings,
I, pi. 9).

25. Unidentified species.

Wilkinson MSS. All white with red outlines.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar.

N. de G. Davies. Same, but with light red wing covert.

26. Unidentified species. Named ‘Lanirius’ in manuscripts.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. White with red outlines; streaky-black on back of head, wing covert,
and tail.

Rosellini and Champollion. Black patches on white, ver\" like no. 27.

N. de G. Davies. Black upper beak; blue lower; black tail; red legs and feet.

27. No name. Species of finch. ?

Wilkinson IVISS. In colour. Red outlines on white; touches of black along wing covert and tail.
Rosellini and Champollion. Similar, but black patches on head and black upper beak.

N. de G. Davies. Black patches on head and wing covert; white breast.

It has a very blunt bill like a desert finch and is similar in form (see Whymper, op. cit., pi. facing
p. 86). This is one of the commonest small birds in Egypt but its plumage — a greyish pink — does
not correspond to the black and white noted above.

20

NINA M. DAVIES

28. Unidentified species.

Wilkinson iVISS. In colour. White head, beak, legs, and feet; rest green with large red patch on
back.

Rosellini. Blue patch on upper part of wing; red back; white beak; green patch round eye; green
breast and tail ; white thighs ; red legs and feet.

Champollion. Similar, but green thighs.

N. de G. Davies. Similar to Rosellini but the patch on wing dark green or black, and light yellow
above it beyond the break.

This bird seems impossible to identify. The shape and beak recall a crow, but not its gay colours.
The head is now too broken to give us its exact shape. Wilkinson has shown more although his
hatching is evidence that it was not clear in his time.

29. Unidentified species. Named ‘the Gutta’ in the Wilk. MSS.

Wilkinson MSS. In colour. Red band on neck; rest white with red outlines to feathers.

Rosellini and Champollion. Similar.

N. de G. Davies. Similar, but with light red tail.

No aquatic birds seem to be pictured here or elsewhere on this line. Wilkinson says {M. and C.,
in, 1 14), that the name ‘Gutta’ has been given it in Arabic ‘from the noise it makes when alarmed
and flying’. This is the Arabic name for the sand-grouse, but Wilkinson’s note of the name is
hardly sufficient proof of identification, except that the bird has an indication of a collar like a
sand-grouse.

All the hieroglyphs above the birds are green.

I am indebted to Professor Gunn who helped me with the texts and compared the
names with those in the Berlin Dictionary, and to IVIiss R. Moss for helpful criticism.
I am also grateful to Mr. Moreau and Mr. Alexander of the Edward Grey Ornitho-
logical Institute, Oxford, for their opinions on the different species and the Latin
names. The privilege I have had of consulting the Wilkinson IVISS. has enabled much
information to be added to the descriptions.

(2l)

A SPECIAL USE OF THE SDMF AND SDM-N-F FORMS

By BATTISCOMBE GUXX

The greatest living Egyptologist, whose seventieth birthday we celebrate in this number
of the Journal, has proved himself a past master in almost every department of the science
to which he has devoted himself from boyhood — religion, history, and chronology,
geography, art, law, burial customs, topography, administration, and above all litera-
ture, philology, and palaeography^ As a grammarian he is unequalled, and it gives
me much pleasure to offer him a brief study of a grammatical phenomenon which
seems to have lain unnoticed even by him hitherto.

In the first edition of his Granunar, §§ 19 1-2, he gives examples of the use of sdm-f
and (much more rarely) sdm-n-f forms used as noun clauses after the ‘genitival adjective’,
i.e. in the indirect genitive: e.g. Imv n nis-s ‘the day of {she shall give birth)’ = ‘the
day of her giving ( = when she shall give) birth’ ; tr 71 zcnn-k ‘the season of {thou shalt
be}’ = ‘so long as thou livest’; 7 isw n shpr-n-f‘?i king of {he bred up}’ = ‘a king of
his (the god’s) breeding up’. Similar examples are given op. cit. § 442, 5, with imper-
fective sdm-f, e.g. spsszv 71 dd 7 isw ‘fine things of (the King gives}’ = ‘of the King’s
giving’ cnh n dd n-i nszv ‘life of {the King gives to me}’ = ‘of the King’s gift to me’ ;
‘fields of (I myself make}’ = ‘of my own making’. Another example, with perfective
sdm-f, § 452, 5, ‘according to thy manner of {thou wast upon earth}’ = ‘thy manner
when thou wast . . .’. Similar examples are given by Lefebvre in his Gra 77 i 7 naire de
VlEgyptmi classique, §§ 257, 267, 282, also in Erman, Ag. Grairmi., § 546 where, how-
ever, they are described as relative forms, ^ a view taken also by Sethe {Erlduterutigen
to Lesestiicke, ii, 4; 42, 10). d’his A’iew is surely erroneous, for after a feminine noun,
e.g. in iht nht 7 frt 7 it ssp hm-f ‘evert' good thing which His Majesty received’, lit. ‘of
(His Alajesty receives}’, quoted Gardiner, op. cit. § igi, one would expect the sup-
posed relative to be in the feminine, agreeing with iht 7 ibt 7 frt ; however, in this con-
struction the verb only quite exceptionally shows the feminine ending .■* (This difficulty

* It is as an Egt ptologist that we pay honour to him here, and therefore I do but mention the other reputation
that he has made for himself in the field of general linguistics.

- ‘Gi%'e’ in imperfective sdm-f — -) is by far the commonest verb in these noun-clauses in the indirect genitive;
I have over forty examples.

3 Erman’s view seems at first sight to be supported by his example t n gmii-ft-f, Pyr. § 132, d, which he
translates ‘das Brot, das er gefunden hat’, taking gnu-s-n-f as perfective relative masc. sing. But he omits the
adverb irn which comes after g?nzc-n-f. It seems much easier to take g mzi - n-f a.s plural, as %vas done by Sethe in
Verbiim n, § 755, and to translate ‘K. has been . . . born in X'un; he has come, he has brought you the bread of
those zvhorn he has found there (in Xun)’.

■* An apparent exception is krst nfrt — ‘a goodly burial of his (the god’s) commanding', Urk. IV,
1217, 15. The is probably displaced from ^ j the publication is from Bouriant's very inaccurate

copv. A real exception seems to be hnrt n kdt-sn ‘a prison of their building', Urk. IV, 184, 15 ; contrast hurt n
kd-sn (same meaning), Urk. iv, 75S, 16. Mr. Faulkner suggests to me, ver\- plausibly to my mind, that ‘the
scribe hesitated between hmt kdt-sn and hnrt n kdsn and ended by mi.xing the two'. It is quite possible that

22

BATTISCOMBE GUNN

is not discussed by Erman or Sethe.) It thus seems far more probable that the verbal
form is sdm-f or (more rarely) sdm-n-f}

I now wish to draw attention to what seems to be a construction of similar kind, in
which a either perfective or imperfective, or (again much more rarely), a sdm-n-f
form is appended as a noun-clause to a substantive in the direct genitive. The substan-
tives to which they are appended are, in every case known to me, expressions of time
or place ; the use with the direct genitive is thus apparently more restricted than that
with the indirect. The following examples are known to me:

A. With Expressions of Time
I. Hrw ‘day’

(l) Hrw ms-i- ‘the day that I was born’, lit. ‘the day of (I am born}’, B.D. in Theban
Tombs Ser., i, 17, 31 (pi. 39); (2) hrw 7 ns-f‘the day that he is born’, Ra?nesseum Medical
Papyrus (unpubl.), 17; (3) hrw msw-f, same meaning, Davies, El Amarna, vi, pi. 27, 7;
with -tw, (4) hrw tnss-tzv-f,^ same meaning, P. Ebei's, 97, 13. The first three examples
contain passive sdm-f.

(5) Hrw wdi-sn^ ‘the day that they proceeded’, lit. ‘the day of (they proceed}’,
Anthes, Felseninschrr . v. Hatnub, Graffito 24, 3 ; (6) hrw chi-s^ ‘the day that it (the
town) fought’, same graffito, 1. 8; (7) hrw sd ntr mdw-f ‘the day that the god raises (?)
his speech’, De Buck, Cojfin Texts, iii, 57, c; (8) hrw Ar-/ ‘the day that he appears’,
op. cit. Ill, 262, k; (9) hrw her Hr ‘the day that Horus appears’, Wreszinski, Aeg.
Inschrr. . . . in Wien, p. 56, 1 . 7 of text.

To these examples with active or passive sdm-f to be added one with sdm-n-f-.
(10) hrw S 7 - 7 i-sn hnd= ‘the day that they protected the throne’, Pyr. 606, c.

II. Other Expressions of Thne

Hszcy ‘evening’ : (i i) luwy ihd-sn ‘the evening when they (the gods) grow bright (?)’,
Pyr., 1217,

when the earn ed inscription was revised the error (as it surely is) was noticed and corrected by the ^ being
filled up with plaster (painted over) which has since fallen out. The possibility of such lost corrections is not,

I believe, sufficiently taken into account, although the correction of mistakes in lapidary inscriptions by means
of plaster is of course well known.

^ The following are a few examples of this construction supplementary to those quoted in the three works
cited above; hrzL n ms'tzc-f ‘the day that he was born’, Bull. Inst. fr. 43, 158, 1 . 15 of text; hric n ssp-f i-’t-f ‘the
day that he received his office (the kingship)’, Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1075, 1 . 5 of text; hrze pze n htm-tze hftyzv mv
Kb-r-dr hnr shkz-tze s-'-f Hr ‘that day of the enemies of the All-Lord being destroyed and of his son Horus being
given the rule', B.D. Xu, 17, 1 1 ; grh pziy . . . n snvftic hrze Hr r hftyirf ‘that night of Horus’ being justified
against his enemies’, B.D. Xu, 18, 34-5 ; sp tpy n m.' i mset ‘the first occasion of my seeing Right’, B.D. Xebseni,
50A, 5 ; phrt lit zLS sny ‘a cure which is for [the hair falls out]’, P. Hearst, 10, 18; sr n irr pi hk) ‘an official of
the Ruler’s making’, lit. ‘of ; the Ruler makes]’ ; Davies, El Amarna, iv, 25', nib n luze snf-f ‘because of the desire
that its blood may come down’, P. Ebers, 91, 15-16.

- Var. Xaville, Totenbuch, II, 44, lirze mszct-i{f) ‘the day of my (his) birth’, with infinitive.

3 Sethe, I’erburn, II, § 746, 3, takes this as relative.

Anthes, op. cit., 55, seems to take this as an infinitive.

5 Sethe, Ub. Komm. Pyr., ad loc., regards this as a relative construction with omission of im at the end.

* M, X have [uzey ihd-s t.', also obscure.

A SPECIAL USE OF THE SDMF AND SBM-N-F FORMS 23

Rnpt ‘year’: (12) rnpt iy/ ‘the year that he comes’, Urk. iv, 18, 7; (13) rnpwt B-f
‘the years that he appears’, Vrk. iv, 280, 13; BuJien, 52.

'"Ac ‘time’ : (14) rhry di-k srf npi msc ‘a pause when thou givest a rest to the soldiers’,'
P. Anast. I, 17, 1-2.

Nzo ‘time’: (15) nwy gm-k sdry ‘the moment thou findest a camping-place (?)’, ibid.
25» 2.^ _

Sp ‘occasion’: (16) sp shvi-i w ‘an occasion of my depriving a son’, Urk. i, 133, 5,
cf. 123, 4 ; (17) spt-k hr-f'zn occasion of thy being angry with him’, Ptahhotep, 472 ;
(18) r trnv sp gmm sw hsk-im ‘on each occasion that this servant finds him’, Kah. Pap.,
pi. 36, 25-26.

B. With Expressions of Place

St ‘place’: (19) r st mrr WtiiP ‘to the place that Onnos desires’, lit. ‘the place of
{O. desires}’, Pyr., 510, (20) st zcnn-k ‘the place where thou art’, ZAS 44, pi. i, 1. 7.

Drzv ‘limit’: (21) r drzv mrrP ‘as much as I wish’, lit. ‘to the limit of {I wish}’,
Mem. Inst. fr. xxiv, 70.

It is very improbable that these examples contain relative forms for the following
reasons : (a) none of them contains a resumptive pronoun or the adverb im { — m +
suffix) ; {h) although in Coptic a resumptive pronoun may be omitted in relative clauses
following nouns of time, place, or manner (cf. Steindorff, Kopt. Gramm., § 528), the
verbal forms do not suit relative clauses in some examples: sd, h'’, di in exx. 7, 8, 13,
14; (c) to interpret these forms as relative with suppression of a resumptive pronoun
or im would in some cases not give a satisfactory sense, cf. exx. 16-18; {d) there is no
concord of gender after feminine nouns.

Most of the verbs which occur in these examples are weak ones, and it is therefore
easy to see that they are not infinitives. Doubt on this point is possible only with
exx. 5, 6, 17, 20.

That the verbal form is in every case sdm-f (or sdm-n-f) being granted, it might be
suggested that the verb is appended to the noun absolutely, as in ‘the day I saw him’,
‘the way we live’. But this seems to be most unlikely, for indeed the construction just
instanced, which is known to be derived from ellipse of a relative pronoun, appears to
be peculiar to English.

It is perhaps a further argument for the view that we have here to do with a sdm-f [or
sdm-n-f) form appended to a noun in the direct genitive, that a very similar construction
is not uncommon in the Semitic languages, a noun in the construct being followed imme-
diately by a finite verb with no relative pronoun (although the noun is determined) and no
resumptive pronoun. In Akkadian we have, for example, azcat (a-zva-at) ikhu ‘the word
he said’, din {di-in) idinii ‘the judgement he decreed’, asar {a-mr) irubii ‘where (lit. the
place of) she has entered in’ ; the verb is in the subjunctive or in certain cases the

* The translations of this and the following examples are Gardiner’s in Egri. Hieratic Texts, l, i.

^ Sethe, Ub. Komni. Pyr., ad loc., takes r st as equivalent to a preposition ‘wohin’. Another example is
perhaps st mrr s ‘the place that she desires', iMedinet Habu (Chicago), l, pi. 28, 1 . 73 ; but this, temp. Ramesses
III, may be for the imperfective relative st mrrt s.

^ Var. dr mrr-f.

24

BATTISCOMBE GUNN

energicus, see Ungnad, Bahyl.-Assyr. Gramm. (2nd ed.), § 15, a; Ungnad in Zeitschr.f.
Assyriologie, 18, 59-60; Delitzsch, Assyr. Gramm. (2nd ed.), § 190, 2. In Arabic

especially after nouns of time: ^ ‘the time when I shall rest’ ; ‘in the

night (in which) they cried’ ; ^ ‘on the day that they met Dh.’ ; Ir iiu

‘in the hour when it was finished’; see Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, § 190, 2.1 The
author refers to clauses of this type as ‘asyndetische Genitivsatze’, and points out that,

for example, J43 ^ jj ist also eigentlich “der Tag des ‘er wurde getotet’ ” ; man hat

nicht etwa “an ihm” zu erganzen, und darf diese Satze nicht mit asyndet. Relativ-

satzen verwechseln’ . In Hebrew we find such clauses as ‘the years

(wherein) we have seen evil’, Ps. xc, 15 ; ^ 1 ?" ‘as in the days (when) God

watched over me’, Job xxix, 2 ; OriX 12? ‘pnpn ‘’Q'’”':’? ‘as long as (lit. all the days of) we
were conversant with them’, i Sam. xxv, 1 5 ; in Hin nnj? ‘the city where David
encamped’, Isa. xxix, i, cf. Kdnig, Historisch-Comparative Syntax d. Hebr. SpracJie,
§ 337 > 3'! Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley, Hebr. Grammar, §§ 130, d, 155, 1 .

Two questions arise in connexion with the material that I have brought together
here. The first is, if the verb is sdm'f (sdm'tvf^, why do we find this form, in clauses
with similar meaning, and sometimes depending on the same noun, in both the indirect
and the direct genitives The second is, may not some clauses which have all the
appearance of containing relative forms actually contain sdrn-f forms in the direct geni-
tive ? Compare, for example, spss dd (^) nsw ‘costly things ( ® |

Uvhich the King gives’ (?))

45 . pl- 6, 1 . 6, with the large number of examples of dd nsw and the like in the
indirect genitive. To these questions I can make no answer; it will perhaps be possible
to throw some light on them when more study has been given to the general problem
of the rules determining the choice between the two forms of genitive — one of the
most important outstanding problems of Eg}'ptian grammar.

' Similarly in South Arabian, see M. Hofner, Altsiidarabische Grammatik (Leipzig, 1943), § 13S. I orve this
reference to Dr. C. Rabin, who also points out that Brockelmann in his Grundriss, II, p. 554, denied that these
constructions, either in South .-\rabian or Old Babylonian, contain real status constructus.

I lea\e out of account, of course, the cases in which the indirect genitive is necessitated by the presence of
a word demonstrative, copula, or what not — between regens and rectum, e.g. hrzc rla-s, ex. 6 above, but hnv
picy n 'hs RJiziy ‘that day that the Two Companions fought’, B.D. Xu, 17, 37; sp spt-k . . ., ex. 17 above, but
sp pw n hsf-tzi- w ... 'is It a case for one’s punishing . . . ?’ Peas. Bi, 46-7.

Feminine singular nouns followed immediately by dd'f, dd nsic or the like, would, of course, form strong
evidence for this interpretation.

( 25 )

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIAN CONJUNCTIVE

By JAROSLAV CERNY

All students of the later phases of the Egj^ptian language must have shared my own
feelings of satisfaction when the m3^stery of the Late Egyptian construction
and its descendant, the Coptic Conjunctive itqcuiTA*, was, at last, solved by Sir Alan
Gardiner in an article in this Journal^ just over twenty years ago. He showed that
mtwf sdm was descended from an earlier construction ‘together with

on his part the hearing’, the latter in its turn being derived from a still earlier |

Both these earlier stages were sufficiently attested, and no one familiar with the peculi-
arities of Late Eg\’ptian orthography was surprised at finding ntf consistently written
in the Late Eg}^ptian stage; the Independent Pronoun, indeed, seemed
the only means available to the language of expressing a pronominal semantic subject
of an Infinitive, equivalent to ij_^+ noun wLen the semantic subject was nominal.
That the verbal form sdm in this construction was always an Infinitive had never
been open to the slightest doubt, the evidence of Coptic on this point being quite
conclusive.

Gardiner’s explanation could be considered as generally accepted when such a
cautious scholar as Erman adopted it without hesitation in the fourth edition of his
Agyptische Granmiatik- and again in the second edition of his Neiidgyptische Gramma-
tikfi Recently, however. Professor G. Mattha published an article*^ in which, while
accepting the etymology of from disagreed with Gardiner on

the interpretation of as the Independent Pronoun, and proposed a new

etymology of Jinr ntf sdm. According to hlattha this is nothing other than a writing of
‘together with the fact that he will hear’, where izvf hr sdm is the
pseudo-verbal construction ‘conveniently called Praesens IP. This Second Present —
still according to him — -‘would suit all tenses and moods, including, of course, the
future or prospective tense’, the latter being precisely the tense required b\’ the meaning
of 2nd of its forerunner as well as of its Coptic successor. Feeling strongly

that Alattha’s article requires an answer lest it should gain read}" acceptance on the
score of being the latest opinion expressed on the problem, and in the firm belief that
Gardiner’s explanation is correct, I have chosen this as the subject of mv contribution
to a volume dedicated to him and trust he will accept it as my tribute to his scientific
work and to our long-standing friendship.

The relevant part of Mattha’s article consists of two sets of arguments: first he

' yEA 14, 86-96. ^ § 416 (in 1928). 3 § 375 (in 1933).

The Egyptian Conjunctive in Bull. Inst.fr. 45, 43-55.

E

26 JAROSLAV CERNY

enumerates five objections which in his opinion speak against Gardiner, and secondly,
he adduces reasons which he thinks speak in favour of his own explanation. I ought
perhaps to follow the order adopted by Mattha, but owing to the nature of the second
and third objections in his list I think it advisable to postpone my answer to them until
a later stage in this article ; the other three, however, are simple and can be tackled at
once.

Mattha’s objection (i) is that, if the in rntzv-f sdm really were the Independent

pronoun, one would expect it, at least sometimes, to be spelt 2^ which

are the regular Late Eg}'ptian writings of the Independent pronoun. But apart from
the fact that it does occur in the construction normally written mtwf sdm} Mattha’s
argument is a double-edged weapon, for the same objection could be raised with even
greater force against his own explanation, since not a single example of the construction
mtwf sdm displaying the ‘Second Present’ (j postulated by Mattha can be cited.

It is, however, better not to argue a silentio against either Gardiner or Mattha, for one
of the difficulties of Late Egyptian is that the etymology of words and grammatical
elements is not always revealed in their spelling ; moreover, the existence, in some cases,
of two different spellings — one exposing its etymologv" and the other not — has some-
times led scholars to question their identity. The first categor}' may be exemplified by
the Negative Past tense bzopwf sdm which in true Late Eg}^ptian is never written
though here nobody doubts that they are the same; to the second
category belong the negatives J(j and where the identity is, or was, contested
by some, though to my mind the accepted etymology of bwpwf sdm by itself suffices to
establish the equation J (j = ^ •

As for Mattha’s objection (4), it is true that there are a certain number of cases of
but for eight out of nineteen cases known to me the scribe of the d’Orbi-
nev papyrus is responsible, and he is not a trustworthy authority. It is significant that
no example occurs in business documents, all instances being restricted to literary
texts or miscellanies. Gardiner (loc. cit., 93, top; 94, bottom) was at great pains to
show that in all good early texts 'Ji was consistently absent; this vital part of his argu-
ment is inexcusably ignored by Mattha. The writing of mtwf sdm with was evidently
due to the endeavour of the scribes responsible for the literary texts to write more
correctly than in business documents, an aim which they hoped to attain by writing,
as they believed, etymologically. In so doing, however, they supplied 9i before an
Infinitive often in cases where this preposition could never have stood,- and even
before an Old Perfective where it was manifestly impossible.^ The occasional presence

' De Rouge, Inscr. hierogl., pi. 257, 1 . 7, quoted by Gardiner, loc. cit., 95.

- So after the auxiliary iri of which the following Infinitive is a direct object and consequently cannot be
introduced by any preposition (e.g. Sail. Ill, 3, 5; .A.n, V, ii, 5-6; 13, 7; An. VI, 16. 36; Orb. 14, 6), further
between , and its Infinitive (e.g. ostr. Berlin 10628, 4), and between and its Infinitive (e.g.

.\n. V, 23,5). Also in the common e.xpression Ay ‘another message’ : P. Bol. 1094, 2, 8;3, i;5;2; 10,10;
II, 6; Sail. I, 4, 6. 7; An. IV, 6, 10.

E.g. P. Leiden 368, 7 tivi '.hr\ spr ‘I have arrived’; An. IV, 5, i tzc-i \hr\ hmskzvi; .\n. I\', 6, 10 tzci
\hr\ spr-kzci.

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIAN CONJUNCTIVE 27

of ^1 in rntzv-f sdm therefore proves nothing, nor does the occurrence of a ir^

the carelessly written Berlin Aledical Papyrus (ii, 10), and the distinction which
Mattha makes between mtw-f sdm and mtwf hr sdm is in fact illusory. Besides, other
Late Egyptian scribes thought that it was rather the preposition ■=» which needed to
be supplied before the Infinitive and consequently spelt the construction mtwf r sdm.^
Here the scribes of business documents were also at fault, but out of the three known
cases of the kind two occur in the letter P. Turin, P.-R., 16, and probably indicate bv
the ■=■ only the vowel a with which the pronominal form of the following Infinitive of
iri already at that time began (cf. Coptic

Objection (5) concerns the use of the Old Perfective in the construction mtwf sdm,
a use irreconcilable with its origin in Independent pronoun -p Infinitive. The

example quoted by Mattha, namely, is, as far as I can see, unique. Further-

more, it occurs in the d’Orbiney papyrus (14, 6) — a document which can hardly be
pitted against the mass of cases elsewhere in which the construction mtwf sdm shows
an Infinitive, and against the evidence of the Coptic nqcooTiS which — as is well known
— admits only of the Infinitive. Rather surprisingly, Mattha has not noted that
being 2nd person singular, would require and not in the d’Orbiney

papyrus if the form in question were really an Old Perfective. In order to explain
several possibilities can be suggested. One is that it is simply a scribal
error for the expected For my part I believe that it is an early substitution

of the Old Perfective for the Infinitive; among Coptic dialects only Bohairic has pre-
served the Infinitive of (g^ex*.ci) while all the others use the Qualitative (g^utooc)
for the Infinitive also.‘^ A confusion of persons in the d’Orbiney passage must in any
case be admitted. But as long as an Egyptian verb preseived the fundamental distinc-
tion between the Infinitive to express an action (or change of state) and the Qualitative
(= Old Perfective) to express a state, the very nature of the Qualitative (~ Old Perfec-
tive) precluded its use in the Conjunctive or in mtwf sdm. The Eg}^ptian language
could express only a present or past state, but not a future state ‘,5 since both the Coptic
Conjunctive and mtwf sdm have a future meaning, they can only express a future

“ Mallet 3, 6; Hams 500, 6, 15; P. Turin, P.-R., 16, 4. 8; 19, 8; Inscr. of Nastesen, 62. I would like to
point out, too, that the three examples of rntw followed by sAw-/ quoted by Wh. ii, 165, 7, are non-existent: in

Wenamun 2,58 the original has (j ^ (j , see Gardiner, L.-Eg. Stories, p. 73a, note c on the passage ; in Mythe
d’Horus, pi. i, 1 . 8 (= Chassinat, Edfou,\i, 61, ii) is m-dr sdm-sn, see jfEA 29, 6, note c; P. Turin

(209) is damaged and the context unpublished, but read mtw (•/) dit sdr

- D’Orbiney has once (18, i) intending *mtivtiv

3 This is the explanation offered by Gardiner, L.-Eg. Stories, p. 24 a, note a on 14, 6; he rightly points out
that there is no parallel for the other alternative which he suggests.

+ Steindorff, Kopt. Gramm. §§ 200, 248 ; Plumley, Coptic Gramm., § 142. For details of the form oajlooc see
Sethe, Verbum, II, § 98.

5 This has been recognized by Stern, Kopt. Gramm., § 349, for Coptic, but the principle is valid for the
earlier stages of the Egyptian language as well. Similarly Eg>-ptian only reluctantly expresses denial of a state
(for a few Xliddle Egj'ptian examples, see Gardiner, Gramm., § 334), the idea being expressed by denying the
action which would lead to that state ; for this, in so far as Middle Egyptian is concerned, see Gunn, Studies,

28

JAROSLAV CERNY

action — and not a future state — and consequently cannot assume a Qualitative or an
Old Perfective origin.

Turning now to Mattha’s own theor}'^, the form of the Conjunctive in the Bohairic
dialect alone serves to show that its origin cannot be sought in for while

^ ‘Second Present’), is i^qctoTeiu. in Bohairic, the Conjunctive is UTcq-

ctoTCiL*. and not, as one would expect if his explanation were right, uT^!vqcoiTeA^.. Nor
can Mattha explain the earlier construction which is an important link in

Gardiner’s chain of argument; in this case ^ can be nothing but an Independent
pronoun.

Moreover, since Gardiner’s article was published, I have noted a passage containing
the construction hnc ntk sdm in the 2nd person plural. It is the unpublished letter
P. Cairo 58053, which on palaeographical grounds may be ascribed to the second half
of the Eighteenth Dynasty and concerns instructions to ‘the chiefs of troops’

Lines 8-9 read:

s

^ . I must confess I should find diffi-
culty in translating the whole letter, and I am not even certain that the following
rendering of the salient passage is correct in ever\'^ detail: ‘As for anything that is on
the writing tablet do not omit it and bring us (some) people . , . and do not create a
disturbance in the place which is holy and come (back) your way.’ But whatever the
right translation of the passage may be, it is certain that it contains three examples in
the 2nd person plural of the construction so far attested only in the 2nd person
singular as hnr ntk sdm. Contrary to all expectation we find instead of
only ^ suffix instead of an Independent pronoun. How this

strange fact is to be explained I do not know.^ For Mattha’s explanation
4^^ the presence of an element n before t is vital, and this is found in this construction
only in the 2nd person singular (in ^), but not in the 2nd person plural (,'^).

In my opinion this argument alone would weigh sufficiently against Mattha, but
there are other considerations which are no less serious. First of all it is to be observed
that he has not been able to offer a single authentic example of his postulated construc-
tion This would not, it is true, in itself be decisive if there were

other reasons for accepting it; the etymology of many a French word has been safely
established without an actual example of the vulgar Latin prototype from texts. But
IMattha takes a number of passages containing hn^ ntk sdm and mtwk sdm (pp. 47 ff.),
substitutes his hw ntt hc-k Qir) sdm for the two constructions and so obtains a series of
supposed examples which fit his explanation, not noticing that having stated categori-
cally that hnc ntk sdm is fin'' ntt kvk hr sdm, and that iw-k hr sdm has the qualities
needed for a Conjunctive, it follows that these ‘examples’ must support his theory.

■ is added above the line.

- We know nothing about the early form of nttn. It is attested only from the New Kingdom onwards, see
Wb. II, 357, 8, where the earliest examples quoted are from the Book of Imi-Duat in the tomb of Sethos I,
but the oldest version in the tomb of Thutmosis III already has ^ ^ (cf. Bucher, Les Textes des tonibes de
Thoiitmosis III et d'Amenophis II, e.g. p. 45, line 9).

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIAN CONJUNCTIVE 29

Examples of ought to have been produced, for this is the construction

which we should find everywhere — and not — if Mattha’s theory' were right.

A point of some importance, which Mattha overlooks, is that in texts dating from the
time when | is attested, the preposition was still always written out, both

before nouns and before Infinitives in verbal constructions.^

I have left till the end the most serious objection to regarding the origin of the
Conjunctive form as a *I • When Mattha chooses between two con-
structions for his prototype, he rejects (i.e. Late Egy’ptian and Coptic First

Present) and adopts (i.e. Late Egyptian and Coptic Second Present) chieflv

because a construction suiting the future or prospective meaning (he says ‘tense’) of
the Conjunctive is required. He argues that such a meaning is irreconcilable with the
First Present and in this he is quite correct: never refers to the future. But

when he states that ‘this (i.e. future or prospective meaning) is, as a matter of fact, the
outstanding characteristic of the so-called Praesens IP, he is entirely mistaken.

As far as IMiddle Egyptian is concerned, the grammars show that Iwf hr sdm can
refer only to past or present. Gardiner {Gramm., § 323) is quite explicit on this point;
Erman (§§369-72) is less so, but none of his examples has a future or prospective
meaning. In Late Egyptian the use of m'-fJir sdm is different in so far as the construc-
tion can no longer be used as an independent statement or narratix'e, but only as a
continuation of another verbal form which precedes it. It is true that we often have
to translate it by a main clause, but from the Egyptian standpoint hvf hr sdm was
no longer independent.- The verbal form on which it depended could be any form
with a past meaning (like sdm-f, Relative form. Participle, zvn-f hr sdm, Old Perfective,
etc.); but I have failed to find one example of kvf hr sdm as a continuation of a First
Present containing an Infinitive {sw hr sdm). When the first verbal form used refers
to the future or when it is an Imperative, only /zt;-/-r 01 d Perfective, or /a’-/— adverb
(or preposition with a substantive) can follow to express an accompanying circum-
stance ; hvf hr sdm is never found in this position. Izvf hr sdm therefore does not have
a future or a prospective meaning and for this reason cannot be at the root of the
Conjunctive. The normal Late Egyptian method of expressing the future is by

As far as our present evidence goes hrv' iitk sdm was used originally as a continuation
of an Imperative or its polite equivalent and it must be left to future investiga-

tion why this continuation was preferred to a paratactic use of another Imperative. As
early as the reign of Sethos I hrv ntk sdm is attested as continuing relative clauses with
future meaning nti r sdm and nti hcf r sdm. This and further extensions of its use
necessitated for hrv ntk sdrri the creation of a paradigm covering all persons both singular

' P. Cairo 58055 : tcn-Hc hr iyt and kvtzv hr Inb; P. Cairo 58053 : twn hr tht and iic-tn hr tm rdit-, P. Cairo
58054 : iic-k hr smtr ; jfEA 34, pis. 9-10 : mk zd hr dd and hr tzvi di hr dd ; P. Berlin 10463 (unpublished) : izi -k
hr spr ; ostr. Der el-Med. Cat. 1 14 : zcnii-f Jir iyt and izvtii hr iyt ; so, too, in the Astarte Papyrus, for which see
Gardiner in Griffith Studies, p. 84.

- This has been recognized by de Buck, 23, 161.

30 JAROSLAV CERNY

and plural. While for the 3rd persons recourse was still made to the Independent
pronouns ntf and ntsn, the ist persons were formed on analogy with the suffixes nt-i
and nt-n; the 2nd person plural which on the testimony of P. Cairo 58053 above quoted
was originally hnr tn, was assimilated to the rest of the paradigm as nt-tn. The whole
set of forms was given a uniform spelling + suffix during the 'Amarnah period,
though hnc ntk sdm continued to occur together with the new spelling mtw- even down
to the reign of Ramesses II. That we cannot demonstrate this development in detail
is largely due to the paucity of non-literary documents (i.e. such as were not, or only
to a limited degree, under the influence of hliddle Egyptian) of the end of the Eighteenth
and the beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasties. The analogies which Gardiner’s
explanation has to assume contain nothing improbable in themselves, and answer
sufficiently jMattha’s objections (2) and (3) which concern the existence of the forms

hand, and that of + nominal subject (instead of

the expected *122^1]^ + nominal subject -[-Infinitive) on the other.

If the Conjunctive contained the Second Present iw-f hr sdm, there is no reason why it
should not have resumed not only Present and Future tenses, but Past tenses as well.
But this is exactly what it does not do either in Late Eg^^ptian or in Coptic. For the
latter this has recently been pointed out by Plumley,^ who states that after a Past tense
the Conjunctive either has final meaning or else expresses the object of a command.
The rare cases in which mtwf sdm seems to continue a Past tense in Late Egyptian can
also be explained as having a final meaning.^

I hope that enough has now been said to show that there is no reason to question
the correctness of Gardiner’s well-substantiated explanation of f as containing
the Independent pronoun ^ and that Mattha’s theory whereby this construction
would be derived from must be finally rejected.

‘ An Introductory Coptic Grammar, § 226.

- That thev do not express a simple co-ordination has already been suggested by Erman, Neuag. Gramm.,
§582.

(3i)

ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE EXPRESSIONS
DENOTING EXISTENCE AND NON-EXISTENCE
IN MIDDLE EGYPTIAN

By T. W. THACKER
I. and

In Middle Egyptian iw wn denotes existence, ‘there is are’, ‘there was; were’,

and nn is one of the ways of expressing non-existence, ‘there is/are not’,

‘there was/ were not’. Since is avoided after we mav infer that nn zvn is the
phrase iw wn negatived, and consequently that wn is the same verb-form in each case.

The subject of both phrases, when expressed, ^ is nominal, very rarely pronominal.'^
The noun follows immediately after the element wn, which does not vary according to
the number or gender of the noun. The phrases have reference to present or past time.^
Examples which demonstrate these points are :

‘there is a commoner whose name is Djedi’. 6, 26.)

‘there does not exist its end’. (Leb. 130.)

healthy body, its malady does not exist’. (Turin, 159, 5.)
t ‘t^iere was none wretched in my time’. {Beni Hasan,

I, 8, 19.)

Since the noun whose existence or non-existence is predicated follows the verb len,
the latter has been assumed to be a Perfective sdm-f form of the verb zcnn ‘be’.^ Thus
the phrase iw wn is usually interpreted as belonging to the iw sdm-f category,^ a com-
pound which has implications of repetition or continuity, and the phrase nn wn is
regarded as nn+sdtn-f.^ There are, however, difficulties in accepting this view. The
negative equivalent of iw sdm-f is most frequently n sdm-n-f,'^ apparently never nn
sdm-f : there seem to be no instances where iw sdm-f is negatived by the expedient of
placing nn before it. Further, nn sdm-f has future meaning ‘he will not hear’ It seems

^ For the Dvn. XI variant n zvn see below, p. 33. - Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., § 107, 2.

3 Nn zvn can be used impersonally, e.g. 'people say: there is nothing’ (Adm. 6, 4).

Gunn, Svnta.w 123. He cites the passage ‘his enemies are fallen they do not exist’ (Nav. Todtb.,

137 A 6, 13). If the explanation of nn zvn given below on p. 32 is correct, sn is here probably not a suffixed,
but a dependent, pronoun.

= Gardiner, op. cit., §§ 107-S; Gunn, op. cit., 122 ff. Existence in future time is probably expressed by
zvnn-f, of which the negative seems to be 11 zvnn-f. For zvmrf cf. Urk. iv, 348, 9 (quoted by

Gardiner, op. cit., § 107, i) : for n zintvf cf. Bczi Hasan, i, 25. 96-9 and M. u. K. 10, i.

® Gardiner, op. cit., § 107, 2. ~ Ibid.. § 462. ® Ibid., § loS, i.

^ Cf. ibid., § 418 (p. 332) and § 463 Obs. The izvf sdm-f compound is often but a variant of izv sdin f. The
latter replaces the former when the ver’o has the passive element tz-. , and sometimes when the subject is nominal.
Ibid., § 457.

32

T. W. THACKER

impossible, therefore, that iw zvn is to be classed as the kv sdm-f compound, and that
nn wn is a construction of the same type as nn sdm-f. Accordingly it is most improbable
that wn is here a sdm-f form. Indeed, the lack of examples with a pronominal subject
which is indubitably a suffixed pronoun^ would of itself lead one to the latter conclusion.
How, then, are the phrases kc zcn and nn zvn to be analysed ?

The key to the riddle is provided by Lebensmiide 126, which contains an example
of a sentence asserting the non-existence of a pronominal subject. There we read
'he does not exist’. In this passage zcn can hardly be anything other than the
3rd masc. sing, of the Old Perfective. This form is eminently suitable to express
existence, for its function is to describe a state, regardless of the time in which that
state is situated,- though usually it lies in the past or present. For the Old Perfective
of zvnn denoting existence compare ‘K has freed himself from those who did this to
him, who robbed him of his meal when it was (there), who robbed him of

his evening meal when it w'as (there)’. (Pyr. 290C-291 b.)

I would suggest, therefore, that zvn in iw wn and nn wn is the 3rd masc. sing, of the
Old Perfective. The following example from a Dyn. XH inscription, where wn receives
the termination w, which is often found with the 3rd masc. sing, of the Old Perfective
in Middle Egyptian, lends support to the view; ‘there was none

who died because of my counsel’. (Hanover, 2927, line 7 — ZAS 72, 85-6, pi. 4.)
The 3rd masc. sing, has become stereotyped and unchangeable, whatever the number
and gender of the nominal subject. Thus the word wn has assumed the nature and
character of a particle, and the nominal subject is placed after it. Compare the Hebrew
and the Aramaic XIT'X, ri’K, expressing existence, and the Hebrew and
the Aramaic P?'?, expressing non-existence. All these words are particles which
are likewise unaffected by the number and gender of the nominal subject which follows
them. They are unrestricted as to time.

There is, however, this interesting difference between the Egyptian and the Semitic
expressions. The Eg}'ptian zvn began as a verb and was fossilized into a particle: the
Semitic w’ords began as particles (or nouns employed as particles) and tended to pass

-•o-

into verbs. Compare especially the Arabic ‘there is/was not’. ^

Both kv wn and nn zvn appear not to occur in Old Egyptian, hence it seems probable
that they were evolved in early Middle Egyptian.

Originally the phrase iw wn meant literally ‘it exists’ and nn wn ‘it does not exist’.
Before Late Egy^ptian the feminine was used to indicate the meaning of the neuter,
but already in Middle Egyptian there are instances of the masculine so employed. It
is perhaps significant that the earliest are verbs in the Old Perfective.'^ For iw without
an expressed subject and employed impersonally compare sentences like
‘it was as the dispensation of God’ (Sin. B 43),= and perhaps the compound verb-
forms iw sdm-n-f, iw sdm-f and iw sdm-f (Passive).* When a nominal subject was first

' See p. 31, n. 4. - Cf. Gardiner, op. cit., § 311. ^ See Xoldeke, Mand. Gramm., § 213.

Gardiner, op. cit., § 511, 4. = Ibid., § 123. * Ibid., § 461.

STRUCTURE OF EXPRESSIONS DENOTING EXISTENCE

33

placed after iw wn and nn wn it was doubtless felt to be in apposition to the impersonal
subject, i.e. ‘it exists, (namely) X’. Compare the German use of es in expressions like
es kommt ein Mann.

It seems likely that iw wn is the ancestor of the Coptic oyon (B), (F), (SA)

‘there is/are’ introducing a non-verbal sentence with an undefined subject, and that
Hahou (SB), xiou (S), xxMjLb^ii, ajLi^n (AF) ‘no’ is descended from nn wn.^ If so, the
original vocalization of wn has been preserved. The 3rd masc. sing, of the Eg\'ptian
Old Perfective is the form which has given rise to the Qualitative of most Coptic verbs.
The normal pattern of the Qualitative of the strong triliteral verb is cong^ (SB), cx.Hg^
(AF), which shows that the Eg}^ptian form whence it was derived had an accented a
following the first radical. The geminating verbs are but a class of the strong verbs,
and on the analogy of the latter we may presume that the 3rd masc. sing, of their Old
Perfective was at one stage kdbebew, which later became kabb >kab. (Compare the 3rd
masc. sing, of the Permansive of Accadian verbs, qdtil for the strong class, ddnin >
dann>dan for the geminating class .)2 Similarly the transitive infinitive went through
the stages tdmhn>tdmm>tdm>'^isMjL ‘shut’, thus becoming identical in pattern with
the Infinitive of the biliteral class. So soon as this happened the Qualitative of geminat-
ing verbs was assimilated to that of the biliteral class and became nnh. The form
0^0$! probably retained its true vocalization and did not pass into oymit because its
original identity had long been forgotten.

II. and

In Middle Egyptian non-existence is expressed by nn wn (Dyn. XI variant
n wn),'^ 'n ‘n^nt (Dyn. XVIII variant nn wnt)d and nn.= All three are

found in main and subordinate clauses. In the latter they are best translated by
‘without’ : nn is commoner than the other two in this employment. The extant Old
Egyptian texts do not yield many examples of this type of sentence. In them we find
6 7 *^^^ 8 most commonly

/»MVV\ 7 1 J AV>V.S\ ^ /V»y«V\ 7 _x J

The phrase has already been discussed. Let us next consider = . Unlike
nn wn, n wnt is found in Old as well as Middle Egyptian. In the latter there appears
to be no difference in the meaning, employment, and syntax of the two phrases.” The
expression n wnt is never used with a pronominal, but only with a nominal subject,
which is placed immediately after it. It is invariable for number and gender and it
denies existence in present or past time. Examples are:

' Cf. Till, Achm. Gramm., § laoc and Steindorff, Kopt. Gramm., §269 Anm. In Boh. Uiioii also means
‘there is, 'are not’.

- Ryckmans, Gramm. Accad., § 297.

^ Hatnub, 14, 4; 17, 12; 22, 8; 22, 9; 23, 6. Xn icn also occurs in these inscriptions, e.g. 20, 9; 24, 10.

■* Urk. IV, 1199, 2. Nav. Todtb., 29a, 2. See Gunn, op. cit., 168.

5 In early Middle Eg\'ptian is sometimes found. See Gunn, op. cit., 140, n. 4 and p. 195.

* Urk. I, 3, i; 3, 2; loS, 8 (restored); too, 15. Pyr. 475a.

’ Urk. I, 42, 16. ® Urk. I, 50, 14. Urk. i, 192, 14.

Pyr. 141a, 143b, 145a, i6ic, 163c, 21 la, 386a, 484d, 590c, 6o4d, 619a, 635b, 637c, &c.

” Gardiner, op, cit,, § 108, 2. See also Gunn, op. cit., ch. six.

34

T. W. THACKER

‘there is no falsehood therein’ [Urk. iv, 973, ii).
iP reeds do not exist’ (JJrk. v, 151, 10).

‘making offerings, there was not (i.e. without) cessation’ (JJrk. iv,

5i9> 3)-

Because the noun whose existence is denied follow's the element zvnt and appears to
be linked with it, n zvnt has been classed under the heading of the n sdmt-f construction^
The objection to this is that n sdmt-f means ‘he has/had not (yet) heard’, ‘before he
heard’, and such a meaning cannot be attributed to n wnt, which often refers to present
time. Professor Gunn observes^ that there are two other possibilities (though he does
not commit himself to either of them, nor to the n sdmt-f theory). They are (i) that zvnt
is the Perfect Participle fern, of the verb zcnn ‘be’, and (2) that it is the enclitic zvnt.
Though both of these identifications are possible on morphological grounds, syntacti-
cally it is hard to justify them, and to see how they give the expression the meaning it
bears.

It can, then, be said that no wholly satisfactory' explanation of the structure and
composition of n zvnt has yet been put forward. I therefore propose the following
solution.

The phrases nn zvn and n zvnt are identical in meaning and syntax. If zvn in nn zvn
(and izv zvn) be the Old Perfective, it seems very likely that zvnt belongs to the same
form of the verb. In this case it must be the 3rd fern. sing. The phrase meant originally
‘it does,' did not exist’, the feminine representing the neuter, as is normal in Old and
Middle Egyptian. Like the zvn of izv zvn and nn zvn, the zvnt of n zvnt has become stereo-
typed for all numbers and both genders, and has assumed the nature of a particle. For
the employment of the masculine and the feminine in sentences of similar meaning
compare the Perfective sdm-f form and the sdmt-f form, one being based upon a mascu-
line form, the other upon a feminine form.

Now if wn of nn zvn and zvnt of n zvnt both belong to the same form of the verb,
namely, the Old Perfective, it is striking that the negative is nn in one case and n in the
other. Moreover, clauses in Middle Egyptian whose main verb is in the Old Perfective
are negatived by' ?in.^ The employment of « in « zvnt therefore requires some elucida-
tion, but discussion of the point must be deferred until the origins and history' of nn
have been investigated.

The functions of the Middle Egyptian read ?in,-^ are strictly limited : it is employed
in non-verbal sentences^ and their extensions, the pseudo- verbal constructions.^ With
possiblv two exceptions a verb is never negatived by it.^ When denying existence or in

' Gardiner, op. cit., § 403. ^ Gunn, op. cit., 167.

2 Examples are scarce, but cf. Leb. 126 quoted above. The construction n sdm-n-f is normall}- used in place
of a ne.cative Old Perfective. See Gardiner, op. cit., § 334.

■* On the reading of Middle Egyptian see Gunn, op. cit., ch. x.

5 Ibid., ch. xvii and ch. xxvi.

* Examples of neuative pseudo-verbal constructions are uncommon. Gardiner, op. cit., § 334.

’ The constructions nn sdm f and nn sdm-n f. The former is not really an exception since it stands for nn ivn

idm-f ‘it does not shall not exist that he hears’ (Gardiner, op. cit., § 457). Compare the .Vrabic J’° , ‘he

STRUCTURE OF EXPRESSIONS DENOTING EXISTENCE 35

negative propositions of a universal character it is frequently synonymous with nn wn
and n wnt. It is, however, commoner than the latter in subordinate clauses and is often
best rendered by ‘without’.^ This may be due to the fact that since it is lighter and
less ponderous than nn wn and n wnt it is less emphatic than they.^ It refers to past or
present time. Examples of its employment are the following:

‘there are no righteous’ (Leb. 122).

‘there is no tomb for him who rebels against his majesty’ (Cairo

20538, ii. c 19).

‘there was nothing thereof that passed by me’ (Louvre C14, 7).

The negative particle *^, read n,^ with rare exceptions^ does not negative existential
sentences and universal propositions in IMiddle Egyptian. Indeed, apart from sentences
negatived by P « -^ . . . (|P « . . . is, and sentences with an independent pronoun

as subject, it is not used with non-verbal sentences at all.^ Even in these constructions
can replace it from the end of Dvn. XII onwards.^* Its main functions in 'Middle
Egyptian are to negative narrative verb forms employed indicatively.^ The syntactical
relationship of Middle Eg}’ptian n to nn is thus similar to that of the Hebrew to

It is usually assumed that both n and nn existed in Old Egyptian. In the texts of
that period we find and The first of these, is far commoner than the

other two. If we ignore which can be understood only as a variant spelling of n or
of nn (in the former case the sign would function as a determinative or ideogram, and
in the latter as a phonetic character having the value «), we are left with -j- and 7^. It
would be tempting to equate with the IMiddle Egyptian n, and 77 with the Middle
Egyptian 77 These, especially 77 > have well-defined employments in Middle Egyp-
tian, and if the equations were correct we should expect the Old Egyptian negatives to
correspond in meaning with their Middle Egj-ptian equivalents. This is not the case.
Sometimes Old Egyptian 77 has the function of Middle Egyptian n and sometimes
that of Middle Egy ptian nn. Similarly the Old Egyptian is employed in the sense of
IMiddle Egyptian nn as well as n.'^ These facts are usually explained on the supposition
that Old Eg}'ptian orthography confused n and nn, and that only in Middle Egvptian
was the spelling of the two words fixed and a careful distinction made between them
in writing.'®

Since the Old Egyptian 77 could quite well be read n, the sign being an ideogram,
I would suggest that a more natural and reasonable interpretation of the evidence is

will not kill’ from J ; - ,,l ( ..pU) 'I- The construction /w sA/r/c/ is obscure and perhaps to be rtgarJod with

suspicion, cf. Gardiner, op. cit., § 41S.A and Gunn, op. cit., ch. xiv.

‘ Gardiner, op. cit., § 109 - Gunn, op. cit,, 160 f.

On the reading of Middle Egyptian see Gunn, op. cit., ch. x.

+ See p. 33, n. 5 above and p. 37 below 5 Gardiner, op. cit., §§ 120, 134, 209.

® Gunn, op. cit., 169 ff. ' Ibid., ch. .xxvi * Ibid,, 197, n 2.

* Ibid., 89 and 91, where references are given Ibid., 91.

T. W. THACKER

36

that Old Eg}^ptian possessed not two, but one, negative containing the element «, and
further, that that negative was n. The negative particle nn was unknown to Old
Egyptian and made its appearance in early Middle Egyptian or just before.

Old Egyptian n embraced the functions of the Middle Egyptian 71 and nn, and could
therefore express non-existence without any following verb. Thus:

‘there is no god who is like thee’ {Pyr. 6iga).

there is none who will escape’ (Pyr. 161 c).

‘his bread does not exist, the bread of his ka does not exist’ (Pyr. 162 a).
Compare the employment of the Arabic with which n is doubtless related.

I further suggest that the Middle Eg\^ptian is a contraction of n wn, the
existence of which is attested by the Dyn. XI inscriptions of He-nub. The weak w
was either absorbed by surrounding vowels or assimilated to the negative n which
begins the phrase. For the fusion of the negative particle with the word expressing
existence compare the Syriac is.!/ + ]J > 1^, and the Accadian Id A im > lassu.

If it be admitted that nn grew out of the 3rd person singular of the Old Perfective of
the verb wnn ‘exist, be’, it is possible to see how it came to have its various Middle
Eg}'ptian employments. First it expressed non-existence without any qualification.
Next a qualification was added in the form of an adverbial phrase. Passing through
some such transition as Sir Alan Gardiner has acutely postulated^ in the case of zcnn,
which from expressing existence came to be employed as the copula, the functions of nn
were extended from ‘there does/did not exist’ to ‘is/was not’, and it became the means
of negativing sentences with adverbial predicate and the pseudo- verbal constructions
It was then but a short step to employ it in other non-verbal sentences where the
predicate was nominal or adjectival, a development which did not begin until the end
of Dyn. XII.

We may now return to the question of why nn was used in nn wn and n in n wnt.
The reason surely lies in the age of the phrases. Nn wn, and its counterpart iw wn,
do not occur in Old Egyptian but are probably Middle Egyptian creations, whereas
n wnt i?, found in Old Egyptian as early as the Pyramid Texts. In Middle Egyptian the
Old Perfective in the pseudo-verbal constructions is negatived by nn,* hence nn was
selected to negative the phrase iw wn, iw being dropped according to the rule that it
should not follow nn. This happened, of course, before the identity of wn in iw wn
was forgotten. The phrase n wnt, on the other hand, was evolved in Old Egyptian,
when n exercised the functions of nn as well as n, hence the employment of n although
the verb is in the Old Perfective. Thus the n of 71 wnt must be regarded as a survival
from Old Egj-ptian which has not been changed into 7i7i, as would have been proper
according to the rules governing the negatives in Middle Egyptian, and as indeed
happened with n wn. Only in Dyn. XVIII do we find a few examples where n wnt has
become nn W7it. This change was doubtless due to the tendency at that time to replace
71 by 7 in in non-verbal sentences.

' Wright, Arab. Gramm. li, § 39. - Gardiner, op. cit., § 107, 2. ^ p ^4, n. 6 above.

* See p. 34, n. 3 above.

STRUCTURE OF EXPRESSIONS DENOTING EXISTENCE

There are, perhaps, other survivals of Old Egyptian n ‘there is/ was not’ in Middle
Egyptian idioms. Compare, for example, the negation of two parallel infinitives without
a semantic object by means of n,^ e.g. ‘would that it were the end of men

without conception, without birth’ [Adm. 5, 14). Perhaps the n of the construc-
tion n sdmt-f''hQ has/had not (yet) heard’ is best explained in this way i.e. as meaning
‘there is/was not the fact that he has/had heard’, or, when it occurs after a main clause,
as it normally does, ‘there not being the fact that he has had heard’

' Gardiner, op. cit., § 307, i.

^ Cf. ibid., § 405 and Gunn, op. cit., 174 ff. The sdmt f torm is perhaps derived from a relative form which
bears the same relation to the Perfective sdm-f form as the Imperfective relative form bears to the Imperfective
sdm-f iorm. So far as I know the existence of such a relative form has not been recognized by the grammarians,
but I have not yet seen M. Clere’s paper on a new relative form which he read at the Congress of Orientalists
in Paris in July 1948.

( 38 )

L’EXPRESSION dM MHWT DES AUTOBIOGRAPHIES

EGYPTIENNES

Par J. J. CL£RE

‘We are still far from having reached the stage where the
meaning of an Egj'ptian word can be proclaimed ex cathedra.'

Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, i, pp. xiii-xiv.

Parmi les epithetes laudatives dont sont composees les autobiographies convention-
nelles que Ton rencontre dans les inscriptions egyptiennes, il existe quelques exemples
d’une expression dns mhwt dont on n’a pas reussi, jusqu’a present, a bien etablir la
signification. Le premier mot de ce cliche est le verbe dns ‘etre lourd’ pris au sens
figure; le second, qui n’est pas atteste ailleurs, est obscur.

Alors que certains auteurs ont prefere laisser cette expression sans traduction,^
d’autres en ont donne des interpretations fort differentes et dont aucune n’est satis-
faisante: Breasted I’a rendue par ‘weighty in affairs’, ^ Daressy par ‘pondere dans le
pessimisme’3 et Janssen, recemment, par ‘gewichtig van raad’.4 D’autres encore en
ont modifie la lecture : Sjoberg, considerant I’expression comme fautive, a corrige mhnit
en ni hpzv et I’a traduite ‘d’importance pour les lois’ ;5 Bergmann, attribuant par erreur
la valeur tp^ au signe qui sert a noter dns dans un des exemples de Basse fipoque et
lisant d’une fagon erronee le determinatif de mhzct, en est arrive a la rendre par ‘der
Chef der Familiengenossen’;^ Capart, enfin, gene par la deterioration du signe h de
mhwt, qu’il a pris pour un g, I’a traduite ‘ferme dans I’epreuve’ (soit: *dns m g/w).^
Quant au Wdrterbiich — qui ne mentionne I’existence de ce cliche qu’au Moyen Empire
et a la Dix-huitieme Dynastie — il s’est contente d’indiquer qu’il servait a noter une
bonne qualite.^

Sans pretendre arriver a donner de I’expression une traduction tout a fait precise, je
crois pouvoir en etablir la signification d’une facon suffisamment approchee pour que
Ton puisse saisir ce a quoi les Eg>"ptiens faisaient allusion quand ils I’employaient.

Il existe a ma connaissance cinq exemples du cliche en question, qui fournissent les
graphics suivantes;

(«) (XIE Dyn.)-o

’ Spiegelberg, ZAS 64, 80 et S3 (6); Alaspero et Gauthier, Sarcoph. des epoques persane et ptole'm. (CCG), n,
p. 8 et n. 4. Dans Les Mamies Royales de De'ir el-Bahart {Mein. Miss.fr. l), p. 627, Maspero saute I’expression
dans sa traduction sans meme en signaler la presence par des points de suspension. L’expression n’est pas
citee dans Grapow, Die bildlichen Ausdrilcke des Aegypt., p. 175, art. ‘schwer sein’.

2 Anc. Rec. il, § 52. ^ trav. 10, 148.

I De traditioneele Egypt, autobiografie v66r het X.R., il, p. 57.

5 Sphinx 9, 218. * Cf. Wb. v, 433 s.v. db. r ZAS 18, 51.

8 C.R. Ac. Inscr. B.-L. 1947, 273 et 274, fig. 2. Wb. ii, 114, 14 et v, 469, 5.

Caire 20539, II 6 5 = Lange et Schafer, Grab- ii. Denksteine des m. R. {CCG), ii, p. 155 et iv, pi. 43.

DNS MHWT DES AUTOBIOGRAPHIES EGYPTIENNES

39

(b) riPK

(iic)

(XVIIL Djn.y

(.)

(XXX^ Dyn.y

A'YVWrfl 1 !

(debut de I’epoque ptolemaique)^

(e) &

(epoque ptolemaique)-^

Les Exx. a et b se trouvent dans deux longs textes paralleles, sur les steles bien
connues de Mentouhotep et de Kares du IMusee du Caire. Le determinatif de
mhwt dans I’Ex. a, bien qu’etant fourni par le document le plus ancien, est certainement
fautif. Ainsi determine, mhuct serait le mot ‘famille, parents’ {Wb. li, 114,

7-12)5 qui ne permet pas de donner un sens a I’expression. La valeur ‘charge de famille’
qu’on pourrait etre tente de lui attribuer est certainement a rejeter, car I’egyptien
exprimerait cette idee a I’aide du mot rh ‘ayant de nombreux . . .’ ou d’un terme de
signification analogue. D’ailleurs, le contexte des differents exemples indique qu’il ne
s’agit pas d’une qualite materielle, mais d’une particularite du caractere. C’est done
la graphic avec ^ du doublet b qu’il faut prendre en consideration. Le texte a emploie
parfois, par erreur, la forme hybride ^ au lieu de ^ ou ^ on peut penser que dans
mhuct le signe est egalement fautif et doit etre remplace par determinatif qui
s’accorde aussi bien que avec la signification que Ton est amene a donner au terme,
et qui est d’ailleurs atteste tardivement par I’Ex. e.

Les cliches qui sont employes en parallHisme avec dni mhwt dans les cinq documents
cites se rapportent pour la plupart a la pensee ou a I’elocution :

(o') dni mhwt

‘tres respecte dans la maison du roi {b de la mere du roi), . . ., a I’eloquence par-

' Caire 34003 = Lacau, Steles du N.E. (CCG), i, p. 8 et pi. 4; Urk. iv, 47.

^ Caire 29307 = Maspero et Gauthier, Sarcoph. des e'poques persane et ptolem. (CCG), ii, p. 7 et pi. 3, i;
Spiegelberg, ZAS 64, 79.

2 Collection Arakel Pacha Nubar = Capart, C.R. Ac. Inscr. B.-L. 1947, 274, fig. 2; Clere, Rev. d’egyptol.

6 (sous presse). Le signe in de mlmt, bien que mutile, est absolument sur; Capart donne S.

* Vienne Inv. No. 20 = Bergmann, ZAS 18, 51. Collationne sur une photographie et sur un frottis a la
mine de plomb aimablement communiques par H. Demel. Le determinatif ^ de mhzct est absolument sur;
Bergmann donne ^ [sic, coquille pour ^ ?] et croit avoir affaire au mot mhzct ‘famille’. Pour = dns, voir
Ex. 7 ci-dessous, et Wb. v, 469, 12; Chassinat, Bull. Inst.fr. 10, 163; Kuentz, Bull. Inst.fr. 34, 153.

5 La premiere graphic citee If’^. U, 114 s.v. mhzct ‘Familie’ dans la colonne de droite est empruntee a notre
Ex. a et c’est sur elle qu’est fondee I’indication de date ‘belegt seit Al.R.’ ; mais en meme temps cet exemple est
cite au mot mhict de dns mhzct (114, 14). Cette confusion a ete rectifiee implicitement dans Belegst. ii, a 114,

7 par la remarque, a propos de znhzct ‘Familie’, ‘X.B.! Erst seit D.t8 belegt’. En definitive, les auteurs du Wb.

ne sont done pas d’avis que mhzct de I’Ex. a est le mot pour ‘famille’. (Ce dernier apparait en fait des la Seconde
Periode Intermediaire ; cf. ( — suffixe) en parallelisme avec Ann. Serv. 23, 183-4,

Alliot, Tell Edfou (1933), p. 31 et pi. 15, i ; n^- [«r] en parallelisme avec snze ‘freres’ Ann. Serv. 21, 66 et
22, fig. 2 de la pi. de Engelbach, Steles ... of the late IM.K. from Tell Edfti.)

* Pour ^ dans 9 ^ 12); pour ^ dans (deux fois en il b 4).

L’original, collationne par B. Grdseloff puis par moi-meme, porte bien ^ comme donnent Lange et
Schafer.

® Ainsi d’apres la photographie de Lange et Schafer, op. cit. iv, pi. 42 ;

est omis ibid, il, p. 155.

40 J. J. CLERE

faite, discret {litt. cache de ventre) sur les affaires du Palais, ne disant mot de {litt. a dont
la bouche est scellee sur, h scelle de bouche sur) ce qu’il entend’.

{c’) dm mhwt ‘ayant I’esprit penetrant, I’elocution agreable {litt.

doux de langue), . . ., s’exprimant bien {^k{i:) dd)’.

{d’) dm mhwt ‘fidele a son maitre, . . ., repondant

correctement’.

{e') dm mhwt J ‘qui possede I’doquence, aux conseils utiles, . .

D ’autre part, on trouve des cliche composes egalement du verbe dm suivi d’un
substantif, que Ton peut considerer comme des equivalents approximatifs de dm mhwt
tant a cause de leur formation qu’a cause de la nature des expressions a cote desquelles
ils apparaissent ; mhwt y est remplace par d’autres mots tels que mdwt ‘paroles’, shrw
‘pensees, intentions, &c.’, n ‘bouche’ (voir aussi dm ib ‘lourd de coeur' cite plus bas):

(/) (XIX^ Dyn.)' domd de paroles, a

I’eloquence parfaite, discret (litt. cache de ventre) sur ses (propres) pensees’.

(.?) (XXVf® Dyn.)2 ‘parlant au moment

voulu, repondant a propos, exempt de hate a parler (litt. exempt de rapidite de bouche), ^
lourd de bouche’ .

seul a seul tandis que tout

(epoque saite)^ ‘a qui le roi parle
le monde reste dehors, lourd de bouche, repondant correcte-

ment’.

(0 (epoque ptolemaique)^ ‘circonspect,^ discret, lourd

(sic) ''

de bouche, repondant correctement {iw nfr = r nfr)’.

■ Thebes, tombe 158, 2= salle (‘passage’), paroi sud, cote est, col. i (inedit, d’apres I’original). Une partie
du texte cite ici est donnee dans \Vb. Belegst. ii, a 85, 25 et 1 14, 15 ou I’exemple est qualifie de ‘altester Beleg’
de dm mdtU, ce qui implique que le Wb. en connait d’autres. Dans le meme texte, col. 2, on trouve dm shrw
litt. ‘lourd de pensees’ (cf. ci-dessous, p. 41, n. 6, et Wb. v, 469, 2; Grapow, Bildl. Aiisdrlicke, p. 175) a cote de
gr, kb srf, iL'ih ib ‘silencieux, calme, impassible’. Voir aussi dm shr ht cite ci-dessous Ex. k.

2 Thebes, tombe 36 = Scheil, Le tombeau d’Aba {Mem. Miss.fr. V), pi. 6 (collationne sur une photographie).

3 Cf. ‘<1 n’est pas d’homme prompt a parler qui soit exempt d’in-

continence de langage’ Pays. B i, 208—9 (cf- ci-dessous. Ex. k).

Louvre C 317 (stele du Serapeum) = Chassinat, Rec. trav. 25, 53 (collationne).

= Leyde V 58 (et non V 94 comme indique le Wb. Belegst. l, a 184, 14 et il, a 256, 14) = Beschr. Leiden
vil, p. 7 et pi. 16, No. 20; Piankoff, Le ‘caeur’ dans les textes eg., p. 49. Dans dns rf, I’original a ^ pour , .

6 rm ib (^o o = — ^) litt. ‘ avale de coeur’ signifie plus exactement ‘discret’ ; c’est un synom-me de
Ih’p ht. Les indications donnees a propos de -f ib dans le Wb. I, 184, 14-13 sont incompletes; rm avec ib
comme objet signifie non seulement ‘regretter’, mais aussi ‘^re discret’ et, pris en mauvaise part, ‘dissimuler’

rf ^ •’Cy V, ‘jig dissimule rien de {litt. n’avale pas

ton cceur au sujet de) ce qu’on a pu te dire, garde-toi d’une occasion d’etre (intentionnellement) oublieux’

Ptahh. 153-4; ...... ‘faisant un rapport sur sa

Dyn.) Brit. Mus. [569] --- Ilierog. Texts BM. ii, pi. 19; ; Cl ,

commission sans dissimulation’ (XI L

‘fais un rapport sur ta

commission sans dissimulation’ Ptahh. 249 (dans ces deux demiers exx., Gard., Gr. § 307 et Suppl. p. 10 a

231, 5 regarde ib comme le sujet de ‘je n’ai pas ete dissimule’ L. des M., ch. 125, Conf.

neg. 28 — Mavstre, Les declarations d' innocence, p. 89 (cf. Drioton, Rev. arch. 6e ser. 27, no). Sur rm ib, cf.
encore Sethe, 58, 15; Piankoff, Le 'cceur dans les textes eg., p. 83: Gunn, Studies in Eg. Syntax, p. 158;

Spiegel. Erzdhl. vom Streite des Horns u. Seth, p. 107, n. 3; voir aussi, ci-dessous, p. 41, n 5.

DNS MHWT DES AUTOBIOGRAPHIES fiGYPTIENNES 41

(j) J? (epoque ptolemaique)' ‘se detournant du mal, lourd

de boiiche, ne revelant pas ses pensees (Jitt. n’etant pas fore ( =ouvert) de coeur)’.

On notera en particulier que dns mdwt est suivi de mnh dd, hp ht dans I’Ex. / et dm
r? de wsh r nfr dans les Exx. h et i comme c’est le cas pour dm mhzct dans les Exx.
a'-V et d' — ce qui prouve, dans une certaine mesure, le parallelisme de signification de
ces diverses expressions. Le Worterhuch — qui precise (li, 114, 14) que dm mhzot appa-
rait a cote d’expressions signifiant ‘Hoquent’ et ‘discret’ (‘beredt’ und ‘verschwiegen’)
— est categorique a ce sujet: il observe (ii, 114, 15; cf. aussi v, 469, 6) que, dans dm
mhwt, le mot mhwt est ‘remplace’ (ersetzt) par mdt ‘parole’ a la Dix-neuvieme Dynastic.

On pent done, pour les differentes raisons exposees, penser que mhzvt a une significa-
tion voisine de celle qu’ont les mots nidzct et r/ lorsqu’ils sont employes dans les cliches
que Ton vient de voir, tout en comportant certainement une nuance de sens qu’il n’est
pas possible de preciser sur la seule base des exemples connus actuellement.

La determination du sens qu’a le verbe dm dans le cliche etudie fait moins de diffi-
culte. Le Worterbuch (v, 468, 14) donne pour ce mot employe avec lb ‘cceur’ = ‘pensee,
intention, &c.’ les seules acceptions figurees ‘gewichtig, ernst o. a.’. IMais, comme font
deja remarque Gardiner^ et Vogelsang, ^ dni peut etre dans cet emploi en quelque sorte
un synonyme de imn ‘cacher, etre cache’ {Wb. l, 83-4) et de hrp ‘couler, aller au fond
de I’eau, plonger’ {\Vb. n, 500-1), ce dernier verbe prenant pratiquement dans ce cas
lui aussi le sens de ‘cacher, etre cache’ comme il ressort clairement du parallelisme dans
la recommandation ‘cache tes pensees {litt. enfonce ton

coeur), controle ta bouche’ des Enseignements de Ptahhotep.'’- Comme irnn ib litt. ‘cache
de coeur’,’ hrp ib litt. ‘enfonce de coeur’ signifie ainsi ‘ne revelant pas ses pensees, ne
manifestant pas ses intentions, ses sentiments’, peut-etre aussi ‘ne se laissant pas aller
a tenir des propos inconvenants, ne s’emportant pas’ ou encore ‘reprimant ses desirs, se
maitrisant’ — et dm ib litt. ‘lourd de coeur’ a pratiquement les memes significations.

Que dns ait une telle valeur, etonnante a priori, c’est ce que montre le rapprochement
des quatre exemples suivants (les trois derniers sont des epithetes du defunt) qui
fournissent I’equivalence dm = hrp = imn attestant le glissement de sens '‘etre lourd'
>'etre au fond de I’eau comme une chose lourde’> ‘'etre cache comme une chose qui
est au fond de I’eau’ : —

ih) {Pays. B I, 209) ‘il n’est pas d’inconsidere qui sache

garder cachees ses intentions {litt. il n’est pas de leger de coeur (qui soit) lourd de
dessein du corps)’. ^

' Caire 70031 = Roeder, .Vaos (CCG), p. 115 et pi. 33, a; Urk. 11, 60.

’ yEA 9, 16, n. 2. ’ Kommentar su den Klagen des Bauern, p. 161.

■* Ptahh. 618; cf. Sethe, Erldut. Lesest. a 41, 20/21; Piankoff, op. cit., p. 116.

5 Cf. (XII® Dyn.) pris en mauvaise part pour designer le dehnquant reticent, qui ne veut pas

avouer, Brit. Mus. [566] = Hierog. Texts BM. iv, pi. 37. Dans le mtoie texte, un juge (inr snt) est dit J y-
‘celui qui fait que le coeur vomisse ce qu’il a avale (c.-d-d. qui fait avouer le coupable)’.

’ Pour dns — shr, cf. aussi xQ ‘tu es un homme qui sait garder

cachees ses pensees, qui pese ses reponses ; depuis ta naissance, tu as en horreur les propos grossiers ( ?)’ P. Lansing
14 (15), 8 = Erman et Lange, p. 127; Blackman et Peetiyi?--! ii, 297; Gardiner, L.-Eg. ^lisc., p. 114. Hn — •
litt. ‘pencher, incliner, courber’, employe aussi pour rendre '(s’) incliner sous I’effet de quelque chose de lourd’

G

42

J. J. cl£re

(0 (XIE Dyn.)i ‘cachant ses pensees, sachant tenir sa langue

{litt. enfonce de coeur, exempt de legerete de langue)’.

(^) (XIP Dyn.)2 ‘dissimulant ses pensees, cachant ses intentions

{litt. lourd de coeur, enfonce de dessein du corps)’.

(^) (XVIIP Dyn.)2 ‘cachant ses pensees, voilant ses intentions

{litt. enfonce de coeur, cache de dessein du corps)’.

Dans toutes les expressions metaphoriques nontenant le verbe dm ‘etre lourd’ que
Ton vient de voir, I’emploi abstrait de ce verbe ne lui donne done pas — comme on a pu
le penser surtout sous I’influence des images de nos langues modernes — le sens de
‘important, grave {dgrauis ‘pesant’), ernst, gewichtig (<Gevvicht ‘poids’), &c.’'^ L’Ex.
/, oil lirp ib — equivalant a dni ib — est en parallelisme avec sy m izt ns ‘exempt de legerete
de langue’, nous ramene aux expressions dm mdwt ‘lourd de paroles’, dm rs ‘lourd de
bouche’ que Ton a vues precedemment (Exx. f-j) et dont la signification apparait ainsi
comme etant ‘ne parlant pas a la legere, mesurant ses paroles, ne parlant qu’a bon
escient, &c.’ — signification que confirme, dans les Exx. /, i et j, le parallelisme avec
les cliches hp ht, cm ib et tm wbs ib qui tous se referent a la discretion.

On pent done, en conclusion, attribuer a dm mhwt, qui est aussi (Exx. a’-b’) mis en
parallelisme avec des expressions signifiant ‘discret’ {hfp ht et htm n), un sens analogue
— quelque chose comme ‘prudent dans ses paroles (.?), n’exprimant ses opinions (?) qu’a
bon escient, mesurant ses expressions (?), &c.’ Quelle que soit la signification exacte
du mot mhwtp on est en tout cas en presence d’un des cliches assez nombreux dans les
autobiographies conventionnelles egyptiennes — on vient d’en voir un certain nombre
— au moyen desquels le defunt se vantait d’avoir ete un homme dont la discretion
etait une des qualites.

{Wb. II, 494, 12) — a ici manifestement un sens tres voisin de celui de dns avec lequel il est en parallelisme:
litt. ‘tu es . . . incline (= enfonce = cache) de reponse’. Erman et Lange traduisent ‘einer mit . . . zustimmen-
der Antwort’, Blackman et Peet ‘returning an answer’.

‘ Couyat et Montet, Inscr. du Ouddi Hammdmdt, No. 199, 1 . 4. Pour hrp + ib, voir encore Griffith, PSBA
18, 203 et pi. apres p. 196, 1 . 12; Save-Soderbergh, Einige dg. Denkmdler in Schweden, p. 8, 19 (22) et fig. 2
(1. 12 du texte).

^ Assiout, tombe I, 1 . 181 = Urk. vii, 64. ^ Thebes, tombe 79 = Urk. iv, 1198.

•* Cf. pour dns n: ‘dont la bouche est grave’ (Piehl, Inscr. hierog. ill, il, p. 22; Piankoff, Le ‘coeur’ dans les
textes eg., p. 49), ‘in dessen Munde der Ernst wohnt, de emstige van mond’ (Boeser, Beschr. Leiden, vii, p. 7);
pour dns mdwt et dns shrze : ‘mit gewichtigem Wort’ et ‘mit gewichtigen Gedanken’ (Grapow, Bildl. Ausdrucke,
p. 175); pour dns shrzv. ‘mit schwerwiegenden Gedanken’ (Erman et Lange, Pap. Lansing, p. 127), ‘weighty
in counsel’ (Blackman et Peet, JEA ii, 297); pour dns mhzvt: ‘gewichtig van raad’ (Janssen, De tradit. Eg.
autobiogr. v66r het N.R., il, p. 57); pour dns shr ht: ‘emstig van inborst’ (ibid.), ‘[der] gewichtige Plane [hat]’
(Erman, Lit. p. 168), ‘gewichtig in bezug auf das, was er in seinem Innern plant’ (V’ogelsang, Komm. zu den
Klagen des Baiiern, p. 16 1).

= Le terme est apparemment sans relation eUmologique avec les autres mots de meme consonantisme (dans
les graphies tardi\'es des Exx. c-d, le groupe rO note simplement h, comme e’est le cas dans de nombreux
autres mots, et n’indique pas un consonantisme mhnet)', il ne parait pas non plus pouvoir s’expliquer comme
une forme a prefixe m (cf. Lefebvre, Gramm. § 160, d) d’une des racines h + consonne faible (une parente avec
hzet ‘jammern, klagen’ {Wb. il, 485, 2) est peu vraisemblable).

( 43 )

CAREER OF THE GREAT STEWARD HENENU UNDER

NEBHEPETRE' MENTUHOTPE

• •

By WILLIA:\I C. HAYES

The notion that the Steward o Hammamat 1141 and the Steward of

Tomb 313 at Der el-Bahri^ were one and the same man has undoubtedly occurred to
students of Eleventh Dynasty historv' — and been set aside for lack of any evidence
which, in the face of the differences in the writings of the name, would confirm such a
supposition. Furthermore, the Hammamat inscription is dated to Year 8 of S<^ankhkare<
IMentuhotpe (2002 B.c.), while the tomb, from its type and its position midway between
those of the Chancellor Akhtoy (No. 311) and the Vizier Ipy (No. 315), clearly belongs
to the reign of Nebhepetref Mentuhotpe (2061-2010 b.c.).^ Evidence for the identifica-
tion, together with interesting glimpses of Henenu’s long and distinguished career
under the earlier Pharaoh, does, however, exist in the fragments of four big limestone
stelae found in Tomb 313 during the winter of 1922-3 by the Egyptian Expedition of
the ^Metropolitan Museum of Art.+

It is with a deep feeling of gratitude to my friend and teacher. Sir Alan Gardiner,
that I offer the following earnest, if not altogether successful, attempt to reassemble
the pieces of the largest, finest, and least fragmentaiv" of these four monuments (Stela
‘A ’)5 and to reconstruct portions of its interesting autobiographical inscription. In the
undertaking I have had the expert assistance of Lindsley F. Hall, to whose skill and
long experience as an Egyptological draughtsman we owe the drawing of Plate IV.

The stela, now represented bv some thirty-five fragments, was an oblong rectangular
slab of limestone, 22 cm., or about 3 palms, in thickness, mounted originally in a shallow
recess in the left-hand wall of the rock-cut vestibule of the tomb, just outside the
entrance doorway.^ It was supported, at a height of 73 cm. above the floor, on a slab

" Couyat-Montet, Hammamat, 19 ff., S1-4; Breasted, Awe. Rec. l, §§ 427 ff., etc. Of the more recent publica-
tions in which this text is treated see especially Save-Soderbergh, The Xazy of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 8, n. 2,
II, 12, 48; and Janssen, De traditioneele egyptische Autohiografie (indices, Part I, 176-7; Part II, v-vi).

- j\Iap of The Theban Xecropolis (Scale i : i ,000) published by the Suri’ey of Egypt, Sheet C-4 ; Engelbach,
Snppl. Top. Cat. 24.

3 The order of kings and chronology of Dyn. XI followed here conform to those recently evolved by Winlock
{Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom, 2, S-9). The dates are based on those established by L. H. Wood for
Dvn. XII {Bull. ASOR, Xo. 99 (October 1945), 5-9). Prof. R. A. Parker tells me that, although there is a
fallacy in the astronomical evidence adduced by W’ood, his results from the chronological point of view are
essentially correct.

+ Winlock, Excavations at Deir el Bahn, 68 ff. ; Rise and Fall, 44-5.

5 Xovv in New York (M.M.A., Acc. Xo. 26.3.217).

* Stela ‘B’, of the same type and approximately the same size as ‘A’, was apparently mounted on the opposite
(right-hand) wall of the vestibule. Stelae ‘C’ and ‘D’, also of the same type, but smaller, seem to have been
set up in the rear of the first corridor of the tomb, facing one another on opposite walls of the passage. The
fragments of all four stelae v. ere found scattered on the floor of the tomb near the entrance of the corridor.

44 WILLIAM C. HAYES

of sandstone 218 cm. long, 46 cm. deep, and 22 cm. high, which rested partly on the
floor of the recess and partly on a rough stone foundation built out in front of the
recess. This sandstone slab was found in position, and in a crust of cement on its upper
surface was the clear imprint of the whole bottom edge of the stela, which we therefore
know to have been 157 cm., or exactly 3 cubits, in width. The height of the stela as

Fig. I . Stela A of the Steward Henenu

reconstructed — ioi-2 cm., or just under 2 cubits — was obtained by restoring the stereo-
typed offering formulae at its sides, close parallels to which are fortunately preserved
on the other stelae from the same tomb; testing this result against the combined
heights of an even number (16) of whole lines of inscription in the main text,^ and
checking both these indications against the restored height of the seated figure^ and

> As a general rule the biographical texts on the larger rectangular stelae of Dyn. XI are composed m an
even number of horizontal lines; lo, 12, 14, or 16. See, for example, Berlin 13272 (Lange, ZAS 34, 33 ), Bnt.
VIus too [614] {Hierog. Texts BM i, 49); Cairo E. 36346 (Clere-Vandier, Bibl. Aeg. x, § 24), Copenhagen 1241
(Mogensen, La collect, eg., pi. 98, No. A 689), Brit. Mus. 134 [1164] {Hierog. Texts BM l, 55), Mentuhotpe
(Griffith PSBA iS, 195-204). Worth noting is the preser\-ation on one fragment of our stela of a section ot
the horizontal dividing-line betrveen lines 8 and 9 of the main text together with several groups from the mid-
section of the right-hand offering formula (pi. IV, right). , , . ,

2 Models used in restoring the figure were : a fragment of Henenu’s Stela ‘B’, on which the figure is preserve

CAREER OF THE GREAT STEWARD HENENU 45

against the proportions of numerous other Theban stelae of the same type and dated
Moreover, except for a gap in 1 . 4, the height of the stela is established by an unbroken
series of fits from its top edge down through 1. 9 of the main inscription — that is, down
to the level of the waist of the figure — and a single small fragment fixes the relationship
between the feet of the figure, the last line of the inscription, and the rough-dressed
bottom edge of the slab.

At a distance of 9-3 cm. down from the top and 7-5 cm. in from the sides the whole
front surface of the stela is recessed to a depth of 1-5 cm., leaving a flat projecting frame
around all but its bottom edge. The frame so formed is inscribed at each side with an
offering formula and across the top with the titulary of King Nebhepetrec IMentuhotpe.
Inside the projecting frame the surface of the stela is surrounded at the top and sides
by a simple block-border, 2-6 cm. in width. This border, the relatively large-scale
inscriptions on the outer frame, ^ and the sixteen slightly smaller lines of inscription
which comprise the long autobiographical text,^ are executed in relief en creiix, the
interiors of many of the hieroglyphic signs showing considerable modelling and often a
wealth of fine detail (Plate IV). The big panel which occupies the lower left-hand portion
of the stela is cut back very slightly behind the adjacent inscribed surfaces and the
figure of Henenu, the table of offerings before him, and the accompanying hieroglyphic
label (‘Requirements of the offering table for the ka of the Steward, [Henenu]’) are
carved in delicate low relief. The stela, like that of the Treasurer Tjetjy in the British
Museum'^ and probably many others of the same general period, was apparently not
painted. In quality of design and excellence of workmanship it is, I believe, unsur-
passed by any private monument of the Eleventh Dynasty which has come down to us.=

To preserv'e the continuity which exists between the titulary of the king at the top
of the stela and the first line of Henenu’s autobiography it seems best to begin the
translation of the texts with the two offering formulae.^

Frame, right side:

A boon given by the king and by Amibis, He-U'ho-is-on-his-jnoimtain, \He-v:ho-is-m-

down to the waist ; a fragmentary stela of the reign of Xebhepetre' Mentuhotpe from one of the cliff-tombs to
the west of Henenu’s (Met. Mus. Art Exped, unpublished) ; the stela of the Gatekeeper, Ma'et, in the Metro-
politan Museum (Acc. No. 14.2.7, Winlock, Rise and Fall, pi. 2); and the stela of the Steward Mentuwosre,
also in the Metropolitan Museum (Acc. No. 12.184. Ransom, Nte/a o/A/enf/n<-rierer, pi. i. Reign of Sesostris I.)

' Compare, for example, Cairo 20001, 20004, 2001 1 (Lange-Schafer, CCG); Brit. Mus. 99 [1203], 134
[1164] (Hierog. Texts BM i, 53, 55); Mentuhotpe (Griffith, loc. cit.), in all of which the ratio between the
height and width is 2 ; 3 or ven,' close to it. The horizontal ‘slab-stela’ of these general proportions is not only
one of the earliest forms known, but is one of the two dominant types during Dyn. XL See Muller, Mitt,
deiitsch. Inst. Kairo, 4, 165 ff., i6g; Evers, Staat aus dem Stein, ii, 73 ff.; Pfluger, JAOS, 67, 127 ff.

The square of inscription at the top is 4-6 X 4-6 cm.; at the sides, 3-7 x 37 cm.

3 The square of inscription ranges from 3-2 >. 3-2 cm. (line 16) to 4X4 cm. (Ime 12), the average being
about 3-7 X 3-7 cm. This variation in the size of the signs has, needless to say, been an important factor in
determining the positions of the unattached fragments of the text.

See Blackman, JEA 17, 55.

5 The three other stela from Tomb 313 are of exactly the same type, but of coarser workmanship, and lack
the titulary of the king across the top, having in its place a third offering formula.

® The two offering formulae can be restored in their entirety from Henenu’s own Stelae ‘B’ and ‘C’, where
the missing portions of them happen to be well preserved, and from many other closely contemporaiy examples
(see Clere— Vandier, Bibl. Aeg. x, passim).

WILLIAM C. HAYES

46

the-Place-of -Embalming, Lord of the Holy Land], that a funerary offering of bread and
beer, beef and fowl, be made for the [great] Stelward] of the entire land, the one in hon[oiir,
Henenu]y

Frame, left side:

A boon given by the king and by Osiris, Lord of [Bus iris, the Great God, Lord of Abydiis,
in all his places, that a funerary offering of bread and beer, a thousand of bread and beer,
be made for the true familiar of the king, the Steward, the one in honour, Hen]enu.

Frame, top:

The Horns [Somtowy, He-of-the-Two-Goddesses Som]tozvy, the Horns of Gold [Ka]-
shuty, [to whom] Rec [has given] the Crown of Upper Egypt and the Crown of Lower Egypt,
[to zchom Mori]t [lias giveti] the king[ship of the Two Lands, the Good God, Lord of the
Two Lands, King of Upper and Lozcer Egypt], Nebhepetrec, the Son of [Rec, Mentuhotpe],
may he live like Rec [forever]!

Main text:

(i)^ [The true ser]vant [of his affection v:ho did zvhat he praised iri] the course of every
day, the over[seer of horn], hoof, feather, and scale, the overseer of waterfowl, of that which
flies and that which flutters down", the overseer of that which is and that which is not, the
great [Ste]ward, Hen[enu, (/) curbed the south, north, east, (2) [and west. I was

one uniquely efficient, without equal, flourishmg] in all things, one valiant and strong, [one

beloved of my city, one who satis]fled it with my bread, , [zchose] signet-ring sealed

[great matters] and small {?). [His Majesty^ made (3) [me a] [firm of sandal] in the

holy places. [He ma]de me his personal attendant and his servant of his desire; and I
taxed for him This of the Thinite nome and the Lower Aphroditopolite nome'^ [in all that

is made to grow upon] Geb, in gar den[s], (4) . . ., [and in everything] on [which] Rec

shines. ‘ [He made me] concerning loan[s] {of grainfl food {?), and treasurer

of the [products (?) of] the Oasis; and {!) furnished the nomes of Upper Egypt zvith oxen,

[goats, asses, barley, spelt, etc.] (5) it was for strong in (6) He

place[d me as a] all his ; and I did what was ap- (7) [pointed (?)]

[inasmuch a^] fear of me was throughout the land. I was indeed [one truly in the confidence

of his lord, an official zchose understanding was great], in the heart of .. . (8) ... I

[entered] into the house of my lord in order to provide diversion and into [every/] place

which he loved; and (I) (9) [My lord {may he live, prosper, and be well!) sent me] to

conduct an expedition^ of [.. . thousand (?)] men [to the land of] the Sand-[Dwellers] ; and

{!) brought back (10) [to him tribute, , through dread of {?)] the Great White Grown.

I made barges (ii) ... and iT [desce]nded in [safety] (12) [which (/)] made

into roads for the business [of the king]. (/) made a horizon of the necropolis/' exca[vated

in the desert of the west] (13) [to the plac]e wh[ere] the gods are, together with

t[ables of offerings] . . . in fine stone of Elephatitine . . . (14) ... a bier {?) for . . . therein.

{!) follozved [my lord] in (15) [all his goings] peace and love [(/) {re-)

excavated ca]nals zchich had become block- (16) [ed] (/) ... water . . . the {rural)

districts. {!) poured out (.?) . . . for the city. (/) ap[proached (.?)]■' [ced]ar {of) the

Plateau of Cedar^ which {!) made, cutting {down ?) the tree[s]

47

CAREER OF THE GREAT STEWARD HENENU

Notes

{a) [|Xo^], restored from the remains of thenameat the bottom of the left-hand side of the frame
of this stela and on a fragment of Henenu’s limestone sarcophagus (|^^). Elsewhere on

the inscribed monuments from Tomb 313 the name is usually written (on Stela B, once; on

Stela C, twice; on the limestone door-frame, twice; and probably in line i of the present stela).
On a second fragment of the sarcophagus we find the writing |^, and on a model coffin, also from
Tomb 313, the writing Although the double — is consistently used in all variants of the name
found in the Der el-Bahri tomb, it is certainly possible that ten or fifteen years later a different
scribe could have written the same name, Hntiw, less redundantly with a single — , as in Hammamat
1 14, 10 ('^1"^), since an «-sound is already present in each of the two biliteral signs, and c.
The omission of the phonetic complement is common in personal names written with other biliterals,
such as I and ^ {Ravikt, Per sonennamen, passim)-, and in the index to CCG, 20001-20780 (in, 138-9),
Lange-Schafer list 42 variant spellings of names derived from or compounded with the stem | \ .

{b) Line i of our text is restored chiefly from the opening lines of Hammamat 114 (Couyat-
Montet, Hammamat, 81-2), which, in addition to beginning with the common expression btk m;r n
st-ib-f . . ., contain three of the four titles preser\'ed on the present stela: (line 4),

(line 3), and (line 10). Other titles of Henenu found in Tomb 313 are: (door

lintel), and (fight door-jamb. Hammamat 114, 3, 9), and (Stela C).

(c) imy-r kbhw ps{y)t hunt, ‘overseer of aquatic (i.e. swimming) birds, flying birds, and fluttering
birds’ — that is, overseer of the three principal classes of birds, or ‘birds of all kinds’. This title, so
far as I can discover, is unique; but the words contained in it, psyt, hnnt, and kbhw, are listed, with
ample references, in IVb. I, 494 (13-14); HI, 288 (4-6); V, 30 (8); and Budge, Eg. Diet. 230 .-t,
594 A, and 768 A. According to Wb., piyt (later var. piyw) and hint are not recorded before Dyn.
XVIII. Thereafter they are fairly common and are not infrequently found together. Kbhw, meaning
‘waterfowl’, is apparently not known before the M.K. {Wb. V, 30). The titles ^" 7 * \i fj ,

and occur in that order on a stela of the Steward Hor from the Wadi el-Hudi (reign of

Sesotris I). The second title, translated by Rowe ‘Overseer of the Two Houses of Waterfowl {kbhw)’ ,
is discussed briefly by him in Ann. Serv. 39, 189, 191 n. 2 (pi. 25). Titles of this type, specifically
designating supervision over the animal, bird, and fish life of the royal estates (or of the whole of
Egypt) figure prominently in the titularies of several other M.K. stewards. See, for example,
Leiden V.5 (Boeser, Beschreibung, H, pi. 5); Louvre C.2 (Gayet, Steles, pi. 2); Cairo 20053
20428 (Lange-Schafer, CCG). See also the discussion of the title by Loret, Rec. trav. 38,

61-8. This title occurs a second time in the inscriptions from Tomb 313, on a fragment of Stela ‘C’.

{d) Undoubtedly meaning the whole of the Thinite nome, including the city of This, and all
the territorv' north of it as far as (supply or 'back’, or northern, part of the -\phro-

ditopolite nome — in other words, all of the VHIth, IXth, and Xth nomes of Upper Egypt. A juris-
diction which extended only over the capital of the VHIt'n nome and the northern portion of the
Xth nome is unlikely in the extreme. For a construction of the type implied and especiallv for the
writing of ph-iet (^[Sl) after IVsdt compare the phrase mhty r Hm hnty, ‘northward

to the Upper Panopolite nome’ (Leiden V.3, 3-4. Boeser, Beschreibung, 2, pi. 2). See also Petrie,
Oiirneh, pi. 2, 1 . 4; Dendereh, pi. 15, 1 . 10). The translation ‘This of (or in) the Thinite nome’ (lit.
‘Thinite nome, This’) follows Card., Eg. Gramm., § 90, 3. Another reference to Henenu’s associa-
tion with the Thinite nome occurs on a fragment of the left door-jamb from his tomb, where are

WILLIAM C. HAYES

48

preserved the words J Eor a recent discussion of the Xth nome {IVidt),

with all necessary references, see Gardiner, Onomastica, ii, 50* ff., 55*-62*.

This sentence, coming as it does early in Henenu’s autobiography, suggests that he was a native
of This and sensed at one time as nomarch (cf. Lrk. vii, 15, 21), or, at least, as royal administrator
of the Thinite, Panopolite, and Aphroditopolite nomes. We are reminded of the comparable
authority exercised at the time of the founding of Dyn. XI by the nomarch ^Ankhtify of Hieracon-
polis over the adjoining nomes of Edfu and Elephantine (\ andier, C.-R. Ac. Inscr. B.-L., 1947,

285-93)- . ^ ^

(e) The mention of the earth-god Geb and shortly thereafter of something (fern.) ‘on [which]
Rgf shines’ makes it verv* probable that we have here early examples of the expressions preserv-ed
in P. Leiden I, 350 (Leiden Amun Hymn XX, 7-8):

‘all that is made grow upon Geb ... ail that the Sungod shineth upon’ (Gardiner, ZAS 42, 40-1).
The writing is taken from Newberiy', El Bersheh, ii, pi. 21, 1 . 13.

(y) The remaining signs (including the determinative =^) and the closeness of their

grouping make it highly probable that we have here the much-discussed word =^, pbt, ‘a loan’
(usually of grain), well known in the biographical texts of the late O.K., the First Intermediate
Period, and the early M.K. {Urk. i, 254, 17; Vandier, Famine, 100, 105, 107-8, 121-2; Polotsky,
JEA 16, 196-7; Gardiner-Sethe, Letters to the Dead, I, 4; n, 18; Gardiner, Admonitions, 9, 5).
Here, in keeping with the broad descriptions of his administrative duties in the sentences preceding
and following, Henenu is undoubtedly speaking of his general responsibilities in connexion with
the granting or paying off of loans of grain — not citing a specific case.

{§) For tr{t) msc, meaning to ‘conduct’ or ‘marshal’ an expedition see Blackman, Bull. Inst.fr. 30,
99, loi n. 22; Gardiner-Peet, Sinai, No. 90. In this case the translation of msr as ‘expedition’,
rather than ‘army’, seems preferable. As a steward, Henenu’s activities in the land of the Bedawin
(the Eastern Desert ?) would probably have been chiefly exploratory' and commercial (cf. Hamma-
mat 1 14), although some skirmishing with hostile tribesmen was to have been expected and the
expedition may well have been made up largely of soldiers. With . . .] compare ^ ^

(Hammamat 114, 12; also 192, 12). In the light of Hammamat 114 it is interesting to note that, at
least in the late O.K., the point of embarkation for the voyage to Pwenet lay in the land of the
Hryzv-sr (Urk. i, 134, 15-16; Breasted, Anc. Rec. i, §§ 355, 360). Can this expedition sent out under
Nebhepetre' Mentuhotpe have been a preliminary' effort to re-open the ancient caravan road to the
Red Sea and to re-establish commerce with Pwenet?

(h) The expedition. Possibly ‘he’, the king, though this is less likely in the present context. The
verb \h\; seems to be used here, as not infrequently, with the meaning ‘return (to Egypt)’. See Wb.
II, 473 (3); Kuentz, Bull. Inst.fr. 17, 123 n. 6; Urk. 1, 125-8.

(i) The usual expression is ? there can be not the slightest doubt that ^ here is

the equivalent of ] and that it was at this period an accepted and generally understood expres-
sion for ‘tomb’. This tends to support the belief that ^ (Sinuhe R 6) or ^ in the common euphe-
mism, ‘he (the king) proceeded (seeds) in peace’, or ‘attained’ (cr), is simply a picturesque

expression for ‘tomb’ (Erman, Literature, 15, n. 2). Since it is figurative, this use of the word iht
is not discussed at length by Kuentz in his interesting article in Bull. Inst. fr. 17, 121-90 (see,
however, 155, 167). It does, however, gain considerable colour in the close parallelism of the
phrases: 1 (Brit. Mus. 100 [614], 12) and (Mariette,

Mast. 195); in the expression ‘to rest (htp) in’ the sht (Blackman, JEA 22, 39; Card., Eg. Gramm.,
Ex. XIII, 3); and, I believe, too, in the name, of the pyramid and cemetery of Cheops.

CAREER OF THE GREAT STEWARD HENENU

49

] The phrases which follow suggest an expedition to the Lebanon ; and
in the account of such an expedition preserved to us from the reign of Tuthmosis III the expression

describe the arrival in Eg\'pt at the end of the return voyage from Syria
(Sethe, Sitsungsb. Berlin, igo6, 356-63; Urk. iv, 534-5). Here we might conceivably restore:

'(I) re[ached land, bringing cedarjwood (of) the Plateau of

Cedar.’

{k) Htyiv n rs, the wooded highlands of the Lebanon (Gauthier, Kemi, 2, 72-8. On the translation
of htyio as ‘pEteau’ see also Card., Eg. Gramm., SiippL, 19). The name in its full form, as here,
appears to be preserved in only one other Egv'ptian text: an inscription of Tuthmosis III at Karnak,
where it is written .T] ^ ( Urk. iv, 77S ; Gauthier, op. cit. 72. See, however, Sethe’s restora-
tion of Urk IV, 532, 13). References to ‘ “cedar” (fs) of the best of the Plateau’, however, are fairly
common from the time of Amosis I onward (Gauthier, op. cit. 73 ff.), and the Syrian wood called
rf is mentioned in the annals of the reign of Snofru {Urk. i, 336-7) and frequently thereafter. On
the wood itself, here, as elsewhere, arbitrarily called ‘cedar’, see Gauthier, op. cit. 75 ; Gardiner,
Onomastica, i, 8 n. 1; Lucas, Materials (3rd ed.), 491-4; etc. In spite of the final determinative
the word as restored here before htyzv n rs, can and frequently does mean simply ‘cedar-

(wood)’, rather than living ‘cedar tree(s)’ (Urk. i, 236-7; Gauthier, op. cit. 74 [8], [12]); and it is
safest to assume that that is what it means here. On the other hand, the words farther

along in the same line, certainly suggest that Henenu was involved in the operation of actually
felling the trees. (later srd) ht, in any case, is the normal Egyptian expression for 'cutting (down)
trees’ (JVd. iv, 422, ii; III, 341, C), and is the expression used by Wenamun (2, 43) to describe
precisely the operation of felling cedar trees on the Lebanon (Gardiner, Bib/. Aeg. i, 71 ; Erman,
Literature, 182). Although I do not place much reliance on the restoration suggested in note (j)
above, it does look very much as if Henenu had topped off his brilliant and varied career under
Nebhepetre< Mentuhotpe by a trip to Syria to procure timber.

H

A BUHEN STELA FROM THE SECOND INTER-
MEDIATE PERIOD (KHARTUM NO. i8)

By T. SAVE-SODERBERGH

Even if the general outlines of the history of the Second Intermediate Period can now
be reconstructed with some probability, most of the details remain u nkn own to us, so
that any scrap of evidence from which any historical conclusions can be drawn may
be of value. With regard to Nubia it can be concluded from the archaeological data and
from the allusions in the famous text of King
Kamose that towards the end of the Second
Intermediate Period the Nubians had liberated
themselves politically, but that they had rapidly
adopted more and more of the Egyptian civili-
zation. So far, however, hardly any text from
Nubia itself has seemed to throw any light on
this evolution, for the interesting Buhen stela
of Sepedher (see below) has been dated to
Dyn. XVIII, and only some barbarous and
uninformative native stelae have been ascribed
to Hyksos times. ^ In this situation an unpub-
lished stela from Buhen containing, if I have
interpreted it correctly, the ‘autobiography’ of
an Egyptian serving the free native ruler of
Cush, is a most welcome piece of evidence, the
more so since it also throws new' light on some
other interesting texts from the same period.

I owe the knowledge of this monument to
Mr. I. E. S. Edwards, who photographed and
copied it in Khartum and very kindly suggested
that I should publish it. My thanks are also
due to IVIr. P. L. Shinnie, the present Com-
missioner for Archaeology' and Anthropology
for the Sudan Government, who authorized me to do so. According to Mr. Edwards’s
notes, it is a limestone stela measuring 48 x 27 cm., found in Buhen possibly by Scott
Moncrieff in 1905. It was kept in the Wadi Haifa Museum until the last war, when it
was transported to Khartum and given the museum number 18. The decoration of the
rounded top is entirely conventional, as is also the first half of the text (11. 1-6, fig. i).

’ A clumsily-engraved stela from tomb 8 at East Serra (Ann. Arch. Anthr. 8, 98, pi. 29, i), dated by the
excavators to D>-n. XVII and containing some names and a htp di nszu formula to Osiris of Busiris. Some
black-topped bowls found in the tomb may indicate that the owner was a Nubian. From the Nubian cemetery

Fig. I. Khartum No. 18

A BUHEN STELA (KHARTUM NO. i8) 51

(i) A boon which the king gives® to Osiris, Lord of Busiris, the Great God, Lord of Abydus,^ and
(2) to Homs, Lord of the foreign land,= that they may give*^ an invocation consisting of bread and
beer, oxen and fowl, and all things (3) good and pure whereon a god lives,® which heaven creates,
(4) earth makes and the Nile brings^ as his good offering,® to the ka (5) of the official Ka (the Bull).^
It is his daughter’s son who makes his name to live, namely (6) the official lahwoser.'

{a) The writing of the htp di nsw formula with ^ as the second element dates the
text to a period later than Dyn. XIII, see Smither, JEA 25, 34 ff.

(b) There can be no doubt that Abydus, not Elephantine, is intended. The formula
is not only exceedingly common at Abydus and all over Egypt, but occurs also at
Buhen (Randall Maciver and Woolley — hereafter cited as Biihen — pp. 181 ff.). The
same wrong spelling is found also on the stela of Sepedher (fig. 2, below), and arises
from a not uncommon confusion of and cf. the series f J (Cairo 20188, 20245,
Abydus; Buhen, p. 183); fji^ (Cairo 20163, Abydus); {Ann. Serv. xxiii,

183, Edfu); fj>®i (Cairo 20615, prov.?); (Cairo 201 17, Abydus); f (Cairo
20603, prov.?); also f J(^ (Cairo 20286, Abydus; Buhen, p. 208); f (Cairo 20617,
Abydus); fj^ (Cairo 20313, Abydus). For the composite sign j, cf., e.g. Buhen,
p. 182. The writing in our text therefore must not be interpreted as due merely to the
ignorance of a Nubian barbarian.

(r) In view of the parallelism with the Buhen stela of Sepedher, it would seem
plausible to regard Horus nb hst simply as a variant of Horus nb Bhn. However, on
Brit. Mus. stela No. 139 [489] {Hierogl. Texts B.M. iv, pi. 4), also from Buhen, ntr nfr
Hpr-ki-rr m^r-hrzv, Horus nb Bhn and Horus nb hisict are all invoked in the htp di nszv
formula. I This may indicate that Horus nb hsszvt (in all probability identical with our
Horus nb Just) and Horus nb Bhn were regarded as two different gods, though, of course,
intimately related to one another. Similarly, two Horus-gods are worshipped in anti-
thetical scenes on the door-framing erected in the temple of Horus in Buhen by the
commandant and later viceroy Tjuri {Buhen, pp. 87!'., pi. 35). The left-hand scene
represents ‘Horus, Lord of Buhen’, but the text behind the other Horus has, unfortu-
nately, been cut out. Possibly Horus nb h!s{zu)t was worshipped here also, though
whereas Horus, Lord of Buhen, is frequently mentioned in the Buhen texts, Horus nb
hst hardly occurs at all.

{d) The writing for ' "j”, is not uncommon in the Second Intermediate Period,
especially on the stelae from Edfu (Gunn, Ann. Serv. 29, 6; cf. further Cairo 20450,
20556, 20630, all from Abydus; 20322, provenance unknown, and the Buhen stela of
Sepedher). To the instances of the still shorter writing ' or — quoted by Lefebvre

N at Aniba came some fragments of a similar stela which had once been set up in the cult-chamber of a Nubian
tomb from the Hyksos period (Steindorff, Aniba, i, 40 f., pi. 16, 2-4). SteindorfT printed the text in reverse
order and passed a vert" hard judgement on the scribe. tVhen read in the correct order, the inscription — a
mixture of hierogl\-phic and hieratic signs — is not much worse than many contemporart’ Egyptian te.xts. It
reads :\...hc [prep.] h!szvt\ . . . -the hr ntt ink\ . . . [wrr]n’ snze-f smvt-f\ . . coming [from ?] the deserts . . . because
I am . . . [one beloved] of his brothers and sisters’. In a vertical hne before a face: sn-f mryf In{t)f 'His
beloved brother Intef’.

' So far as I know this is the only stela from Nubia invoking Sesostris I as a god. This deification should
have been mentioned in my Agypten und Nubien, 202 ff. among the other instances of deified deceased kings.
It is also left out in Rowe’s list of deified deceased persons in Ann. Sen-. 40, 38.

T. SAVE-SODERBERGH

{Grammaire, § 77, n. 17) may be added, e.g. Cairo 20536, 20633 ; the Aswan graffito,
Petrie, Season, No. 89; and the Toshka inscription, Weigall, Report, pi. 66 = Ann.
Serv. 39, pi. 19, 2. Gunn is, of course, right in interpreting this as a phonetic
writing.

(e) For the writing for im in the formula cnht ntr im see also Cairo 201 17, 20120,
20617, 20658, all from Abydus, and 20471 (provenance unknown). For other abnormal
writings of this formula see Gunn, Studies, 33 f.

(/) A variant of the common formula ddt pt, knvt t;, hint Hrpy ni tpht-f ‘which
heaven gives, earth creates, and the Nile brings from his cavern’, cf. Gardiner, Gramm.
§ 379, 2; Gunn, Studies, 12 f., 17, 34; IF^. v, 365. Writings without the feminine
ending are common, e.g. Cairo 20079, 20152, 20630, 20733 ; Ann. Serv. 18, 49; 23, 185.

[g) The word tpht of the formula was often misunderstood or reinterpreted in the
sense of ‘offering’, once it had been written with the anagram and it was then a
natural consequence to add such adjectives as nfr or web (e.g. Cairo 20152). Cf.
Engelbach and Gardiner, Ann. Serv. 23, 185.

{h) Ka ‘the Bull’ is a purely Egyptian proper name. It occurs twice on the Abydus
stela Cairo 200326, e, and on Cairo 20742 (provenance unknown), all three times
without as here. Cf. further, Ranke, Personemiamen, 337, 21.^

(/) The inversion of the moon-sign is exceedingly common in proper names of this
type, cf. Ranke, op. cit. 12 f. ; Buhen, pp. 87, 91, 113 ; pi. 35 ; Weigall, Report, pi. 65, 4.
The name lahwoser seems to be unknown, but is without doubt Egyptian. ^

After this introduction, conventional but of value since its orthographical peculiarities
date the text, there follows the more interesting ‘biographical’ part of the inscription
(11. 6-10).

He says; I was a valiant servant (7) of the ruler of Cushp I washed (my> feet (8) in the waters
of Cush in the suite of (9) the ruler Ndh,^ and I returned (10) safe and sound° (to my) family."^

(a) For the abnormal position of the genitival n see also Sepedher, 1 . 9. For the
earlier writings of the name of Cush see Junker, Kubanieh Nord, 17 f. : under Sesostris I
and later in Dyn. XII as a rule with the varr.

(Cairo 20086) and (Petrie, Season, No. 340). The form of Khartum No. 18,

1 . 8 does not occur elsewhere, but that of 1 . 7 recurs in the form in the Kamose

text of the Carnarvon tablet, 1 . 3 {JEA 3, 98), with which may be compared on

the Edfu stela published bv Gunn, Ann. Serv. 29, 7, and on the fragmentary
Edfu text published bv Gardiner, JEA 3, 100, both from the Second Intermediate
Period. The common N.K. form is found on Berlin 19500 (Ag. Inschr. Berlin, l,
261), possibly earlier than Dyn. XVIII. Thus the writing of the geographical name
supports a dating of Khartum No. iS to the end of the Second Intermediate Period.

‘ Xot mentioned there are the similar proper names on a stela from the Hath 5 r temple at Faras,

.-liiw. .-JrcA. vni, pi. 24, 6, and i 1 on a stela from East Serra, ibid., pi. 29, i. Thelatter,

probably dating from the late Hyksos times (see above, p. 50), may be the earliest occurrence of the word bnci
‘bull-arena’, which according to Wb. I, 415 is known only from the end of the X'ew Kingdom.

- Cf. ■] ^ (Ranke, op. cit. S5. 7). The construction with pn is quite abnormal, and. as pointed out to me

bv J. J. Clcre, the name may of course be Sr-pzL-i'h-zisr (cf Xb •; -pz.-snbi, op. cit. 184, 17).

A BUHEN STELA (KHARTUM NO. i8) 53

(b) is clearly intended for the article On the occurrence of for in

hieroglyphic before Dyn. XVIII see Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., p. 463 ; Lefebvre, Gram-
maire, p. 394, n. i, who quote examples ranging from the O.K. to Dyn. XVII; see
also Ann. Serr. 24, 7, 1 . 10, and the stela of Sepedher, 1 . 9. The writing in question
appears to be characteristic of the Second Intermediate Period, in spite of sporadic
earlier instances. That stands for ^ is evident from the context, as well as from
its occurrence in u'd,' in 1 . 10. Note that in 1 . 5 sf ‘son’ is written In J
the first word is thoughtlessly copied from 1. 7, which explains the superfluous n.
Ndh must thus be the name of the ruler, and may be either a Nubian word, or else
a form of the verb ndh, known only in the Egyptian proper name Imnc-ndh (cf. Ranke,
Personennamen, 6, 27; U’b. ii, 384).

Whereas a literal translation offers no difficulties, it is not easv to explain the meaning
of the sentence. Without doubt it is a metaphor, but one so far apparently unknown —
at least li b. quotes no similar construction. Both /ri and mzv are used metaphoricallv,
but the well-known phrases lA ib ‘rejoice’, Nc. {ll'b. i, 39; Rec. trav. 14, 120 ff.), ri hr
‘sharpsighted (.^)’ (Sinuhe, B55, cf. Siut, iii, 29), or the metaphor ‘I washed mv soiled
linen’. Peasant, Bi, 279 (cf. Vogelsang, 194 f. ; Gardiner, JEA 9, 18) give no clue to
the true sense of our text. Perhaps the solution is rather to be found on the line of
such expressions as ‘come’, ‘act’, ‘be’, ‘go’, Nc., hr nnc ‘on someone’s water’ in the
sense of ‘be subject to’, ‘loyal to’ someone, e.g. rdl sic hr mic-f'Xo put himself on some-
one’s water’ = 'surrender to him’ (cf. IVb. ii, 52). In view of the ensuing hr smsic p/
hh we may also consider the common phrase ‘to follow someone (as a rule the king)
hr niw hr ti on water and on land’ = ‘everywhere’.

None of these instances are in any way perfect as parallels, and we must therefore
chiefly rely on the general context. Since Ka starts his biography with emphasizing his
loyalty to the ruler of Cush, any prejudice against service in a foreign country seems
to be excluded, and presumably the doubtful expression alludes either to his lovaltv
and bravery, or to the fact that he travelled much and far in Cush in the suite of the
ruler and came to know the country intimately. With regard to the many other verbal
expressions in connexion with hr wre-ya genitive, and to the introductory phrase, the
first possibility that his loyalty to Cush is alluded to may seem preferable ; on the other
hand the last sentence of the text rather supports the interpretation that some expedition
to a distant part of Cush is somehow described in these words. Since the stela was
erected in Buhen, which belonged to the realm of the ruler of Cush (see below) and
since we gain the impression that our man died there, the last sentence in all probability
describes a return to Buhen — in any case not to Egypt, which would have been the
natural conclusion, had the stela been found there.

(c) We would have expected ii-n-i ’'d-kivi icdi-kzd (cf. e.g. />;•■//(•/) hn ''d-kzc(i) icA'dmii)
‘I went out from it safe and sound’, L rk. iv, 209; bin-zd ll-k 'd-ti zed^-ti ‘How bad it is
that thou shouldest come safe and sound’, P. Kah. 32, 12). But with the sentence
introduced bv an Old Perfective, the result would have been verv clumsv, with three
identical verb-forms of a different nuance, the first being more or less independent
narrative, the second and third circumstantial, and that is perhaps the reason whv the

54

T. SAVE-SODERBERGH

use of cd-kwi was avoided. The lacuna at the end of 1 . 9 is hardly large enough for the
restoration [^]^| and, moreover, m cd zvd^ does not, according to Wb. i, 238, 10,
occur until Dyn. XIX, and in the last line the ending of the Old Perfective is written
Y;#- Hence it is preferable to restore [;^]. ^d zvd/-kzvi is perhaps to be explained
as a composite verb, but it should be noted that, as a rule, the endings of both verbs
are written out (cf. e.g. the instances quoted above). Possibly is a participle, the
construction being a short writing for rd wi, replacing an Old Perfective (cf. Lefebvre,
Grammaire, § 357).

(d) The preposition ?i should probably be supplied before hrzv, the last phrase
reading “icdrkwi {n) hrwi-i), and the final sentence not quite filling 1. 10.

In many respects Khartum No. 18 resembles the Buhen stela of Sepedher (Phila-
delphia 10984), to which reference has already been made several times, and which,
in view of its great interest, I reproduce in facsimile (fig. 2).^ It is a round-topped stela,

decorated at the top with a winged disk with pendent uraei. In front of the left-hand
serpent is what seems to be the signature of the scribe who wrote the text: f' |

■ From a photograph kindly sent to me by Prof. Ranke of the Philadelphia University Museum. Cf. Buhen,
p. 113.

A BUHEN STELA (KHARTUM NO. i8) 55

There follows below an inscription in horizontal lines, of which only the first nine
remain.

(i) A boon which the king gives to Ptah-Sokar- [Osiris], Lord of Busiris, the Great God, Lord of
Abydus, and (2) to Homs, Lord of Buhen, and to the King of LFpper and Lower Egypt Kha^kaure',
justified, and the gods (3) who are in Wawat, that they may give an invocation consisting of bread
and beer, oxen and fowl, alabaster and clothing (?), incense, (4) ointment, offerings of food, and all
things good and (5) pure . . which heaven gives, [earth creates] and the Nile [brings] (6) as his good
offerings, to the ka of the commandant [of Bu]hen (7) Sepedher, repeating life. He says: I was a
valiant commandant of Buhen, (8) and never did any commandant do*’ what I did ; I built the temple
(9) of Horus, Lord of Buhen, to the satisfaction of the ruler of Cush.

(a) Probably rnht np bn ‘whereon a god lives’ rather than ndm ‘sweet’ (the reading
proposed in Buhen, p. 113).

{b) This is possibly one of the very rare instances of n sdm-f with a geminated Illae
inf. verb (cf. Gunn, Studies, 105).^ At the end of the sentence we should expect irt-n-l
rather than irr-i.

Exactly the same criteria as those used for dating Khartum No. 18 apply also to this
text, hence the stela of Sepedher should in all probability be dated to the period
between Dyns. XIII and XVIII;- further, the position of the ruler of Cush in both
texts make a dating to the period of Nubian freedom before the reconquest by Amosis I
the most plausible one. In both cases we would have the ‘autobiographies’ of Egyptians
who served under the free native ruler. That Sepedher was an Egyptian is indicated
by the list of his family which he set up in honour of one of his brothers {Btihen,
pp. 114 ff. ; Philadelphia No. 10983, found near 10984). All his relatives seem to have
good Egyptian names, just as Ka and lahwoser of Khartum No. 18. On the other
hand, Gauthier {Rec. trav. 39, 236) tells us that Sepedher was commandant of
Buhen later than Tjuri who served there under King Amosis. He gives no reason for
his dating, but presumably regards Tjuri as the first commandant after the reconquest
and did not suspect the possibility that the native ruler of Cush might have had a
‘commandant of Buhen’ before that time and have had a temple built by an Egyptian.

The stela of Sepedher was found at the so-called Dyn. XVHI level near the northern
temple at Buhen, but this does not by any means date it to that dynasty. The Dyn. XI I
stelae found bv Champollion and Lyons were above a Dyn. XVHI pavement {Bidien,
p. 89), and the ‘Dyn. XVHI level’ indicates only what was above an earlier building
complex^ below the temple of Amenophis H (the northern temple). On this level the
very crude doorway erected under King Amosis by the commandant of Buhen and
later viceroy Tjuri was found ‘flung face downward from the place which it originally
occupied’ and ‘must have stood on a floor of virtually the same level as Amenhotepznd’s’
{Buhen, p. 102). This is the only remnant that can with certainty be ascribed to Amosis’

* also occurs rarely as a writing of the perfective (non-geminated) sdm-f form of see Gardiner, Eg.
Gramm., p. 365 (Ed.).

^ The proper name 'Ahmose occurs before Dyn. XVIII (Ranke, Personennamen, 12, 19) and is no indication
of a date later than the Second Intermediate Period.

^ The so-called Governor’s House. This can be only vaguely dated to an earlier date than King Amosis,
but whether it belongs to Dyn. XII or to the Second Intermediate Period is quite uncertain.

T. SAVE-SODERBERGH

56

building activity, and probably Amenophis II razed more or less to the ground the
earlier constructions. Tjuri’s doorway may only have been inserted in an earlier
temple built in Egyptian style by Sepedher for the free native ruler of Cush of the very
latest Hyksos times, and this temple would have shared the fate of the doorway and
have been torn down in the reign of Amenophis II. Thus there is nothing in the archaeo-
logical evidence that is in conflict with my suggested dating of the stelae of Sepedher
and his brother.

The philological reasons for this dating are perhaps not quite conclusive, and it is in
fact rather surprising that a free native ruler of Cush should have had Egvptians in his
service so short a time after the Egyptian yoke had been thrown off and should have
had a temple built by an Egyptian at Buhen, the old Egyptian stronghold. In the case
of Sepedher it could perhaps be argued that the expression M/ n Ks alludes to the
Egyptian king, the true ruler of Cush after the reconquest of Nubia. This interpretation
is, however, impossible in the case of Khartum No. 18, where the name of the ruler
is mentioned, a fact which proves bevond doubt that at some time the native ruler had
Egyptians in his service.

Now it is true that the native kinglets play a certain role in the administration of
Nubia even after the reconquest (see my Agypten tuid Nubien, 1 84 ff .), but is it plausible
that they then had a position such as that implied by these texts ? Can we really assume
that they sent out expeditions by themselves (Khartum No. 18) or that the Egyptian
commandant of Buhen, one of the most important Egyptian strongholds and administra-
tive centres, was responsible, when building a temple, to the native ruler of Cush,
rather than to the viceroy and through him to the Egyptian king ? A man serving in
Nubia in Dyn. XVIII would rather have attested his loyalty to the Egyptian overlord
and have formulated his text in the way done by another man in Buhen :

{Bii/mi, pp. 90 f.), or have used the words ?isw or hm-f
rather than hk; n Ks only, which was more or less a technical term for the native ruler.
Thus, I think that a dating of both Khartum No. 18 and the Sepedher stelae to the very
latest part of the Second Intermediate Period is the only plausible one.^

According to these inscriptions, Buhen belonged to the realm of the rulers of Cush,
one of whom had the name of Ndh. Nubian freedom under these rulers lasted only a
generation or two. The great Hyksos kings down to Sheshi, ]Ma<^etibref and Jacob-El,
whose names occur on the seal-impressions in the factory of Kerma,“ seem to have
ruled Nubia until shortlv before 1600 B.C., while Amosis reconquered Lower Nubia
in the first half of the sixteenth century. The political situation before the reconquest
is described in Kamose’s famous speech to his grandees : ‘To what end am I cognizant
of it, this power of mine, when one chieftain is in Avaris and another in Cush, and I
sit in league with an Asiatic and a Nubian, every man holding his slice of this Egvpt’
{JEA y 4^). We gain the impression of three great powers: northern Egvpt under

' The fact that Sesostns III is invoked in the htp di nszv formula by Sepedher does not speak against it.
We do not need to assume that the Nubian lord of Sepedher was versed enough in hieroglyphs and history to
react aitainst such an invocation of a long-dead conqueror of Xubia.

- Cf. my Aqypten nnd Xiibien, 109, 128 f. ; Stock, Stud, zitr Ges. u. Arch. d. 13 bis ij Dyn. Ag. 43, 66 f. I
was wrong in accepting Reisner's readings of the names.

A BUHEN STELA (KHARTUM NO. i8) 57

the Hyksos king, Upper Egypt down to Cusae under Kamose, and Cush under a
Nubian ruler. The answer of the grandees, ‘Elephantine is strong’, shows that the
northern frontier of this free Nubia was at the First Cataract. Hence, from a combina-
tion of this text with the Buhen stelae, it would seem possible to conclude that one
single Nubian ruler dominated the whole of Lower Nubia. This may even have
temporarily held good after the reconquest, for a later text from the reign of Tuthmosis
H tells us that the realm of the ruler of Cush was divided into five parts by Tuthmosis I,
but at that time the term Cush was perhaps used in a different sense. In view of the
very short period of Nubian freedom it is indeed possible that the ruler of Cush Ndh is
the one alluded to in the Kamose text.

Kamose’s words ‘this Eg}^pt’, in so far as they allude to the former Egyptian province
in Nubia, are not at all out of place. The Nubian C-group already before Dyn. XVHI
was Egyptianized to such a degree that Reisner at first had the impression that the
C-group had been expelled by Egyptian immigrants who had fled from the Hyksos
regime in Eg\q)t. Junker {Ermenne, pp. 37 if.) has shown, however, that this Egyp-
tianization was an evolution within the C-group and was not due to a radical change in
the ethnic composition of the inhabitants of Lower Nubia. This rapid change may be
explained in part by the fact that many Nubians served as mercenaries in the army of
Dyn. XVH in Egypt and then returned home (op. cit., p. 44). However, neither the
Mdiyw nor the people of the Pan graves, who in the text of Kamose and in the archaeo-
logical evidence represent these Nubian mercenaries, seem to be quite identical with
the C-group of Lower Nubia. ^

The Buhen te.xts just analysed show that we may assume another agent in the process
of Egyptianizing Nubia, namely Egyptians in Nubian service. Once Nubia was free
and Egyptian civilization had become popular there, it was only natural that Egyptians
willing to serve the native ruler would be welcome. And if Lower Nubia was governed
at that time by one single ruler who had a certain predilection for Eg^’ptians and
Egyptian civilization, the rapid change in the fashions is, of course, still more easy to
explain. In these circumstances it is only natural to look for corroborative evidence in
the contemporary biographical texts from the southernmost part of Egypt. Whereas
Tjau of the Edfu stela published by Gardiner {JEA 3, 100) tells us that ‘he made his
north at Avaris and his south at Cush’, and thus restricted himself to Eg}’pt proper, it
is not impossible that Ha^ankhef from Edfu (Gunn, Ann. Serv. 29, 5 ff.) was another
such Egyptian who served under a Nubian kinglet and then returned to Egypt with his
family. The same dating criteria as those of Khartum No. 18 and the stela of Sepedher
seem to indicate that this Edfu text belongs to the late Second Intermediate Period.
In the light of the other stelae, the following interpretation, largely based on Gunn’s
analysis of the very difficult biographical passage, may perhaps be defensible :

I was a valiant warrior, an ‘Enterer’ of Edfu. I transported wife and children and my property
from the south of Cush in thirteen days. I brought back gold, 26 {deben) and the handmaid Ws''-st-iy.
Nothing of it was left for another wife- (i.e. despite these riches I did not take a second wife, but

' Cf. my Agypten und Xnbien, 135 fF. ; Gardiner, Onomastica, i, 73* fF.; ii, 269* fF.

- Gunn prefers the rer dering ‘I brought back gold, and 26 maidservants. Ay consumed them, and nothing

I

T. SAVE-SODERBERGH

58

instead) I bought two cubits of land, and Hormini (my wife) had one of them as her property,
wEereas the other one was mine. And I acquired ground, one cubit of land, which was given to
the children. I was (thus) rewarded for six years (of service in Nubia, whence came the gold with
which, presumably, the land was bought).

Thus, in a way, the famous adventures of Sinuhe in the beginning of the Aliddle
Kingdom seem to have had their counterpart in the south during the short time of
Nubian freedom before the Eighteenth Dynasty, even if they never — at least to our
knowledge — gave rise to a literary masterpiece, but only to scraps of historical evidence,
somewhat barbarous in form and elusive in interpretation.

was left for my other wife’, which implies that a first wife of Ha'ankhef wasted the Nubian riches, and that
Hormini, as the second wife, was recompensed with a gift of land. The text runs ; ^ f 1^1 ^ i

^ S S 6/At would, on the basis of Gunn’s rendering, irregularly follow the numeral.

For the omission of a self-evident measure cf. Couyat and Montet, Hammdmat, p. 15; No. 19, 12-13.

(59)

A NEW MIDDLE KINGDOM LETTER FROM

EL-LAHUN

By BERNHARD GRDSELOFF

The year 1898 is a landmark in the history of Egyptolog}", for that year saw the appear-
ance of F. LI. Griffith’s edition of the hieratic papyri of the INIiddle Kingdom^ which
Petrie had discovered in 1889^^ at El-Lahun at the entrance to the Fa\yum. Thanks to
his remarkable gifts in the field of palaeography, Griffith succeeded in deciphering for
the first time the cursive writing of the Middle Kingdom preserved, above all, in the
letters.

It was at about the same time that, while yet a youth, the undisputed master of our
science, whose immense contributions to Egyptology we celebrate to-day, ‘first began
to take an interest in Egyptology’, Under the direct guidance of Griffith he speedily
responded to the genial influence of that great scholar whom in later years it was his
pleasure to call his ‘first teacher in hieroglyphics’. In the circumstances, therefore,
I feel I cannot do better than offer him as my own modest tribute this first edition of a
little Middle Eg^-ptian letter which, I hope, will evoke in him memories of the genius
of his first teacher and of his own brilliant beginnings.

The rich harvest of Middle Kingdom papyri obtained from El-Lahun is known to
us, for the greater part, under the name ‘Kahun Papyri’. Among these papyri is a
group of some twenty letters. Scarcely had Griffith’s edition of these been published
than BorchardF was able to announce the discoveiy^ of a second group, almost as
important as the first, which was not studied until 1924, and then only very" summarily,
by Scharff.'^

The letter which is the object of this paper may well have been originally part of
this second group; it certainly does not emanate from any more recent find. It was
offered to me in 1943 at Medinet el-Fa}wum, together with some unimportant frag-
ments of Coptic papyri, all of which the vendor asserted had been in his possession for
almost fifty years.®

The papyrus (PI. V) now measures 33 cm. in height and 15 cm. in width. On the
recto are three vertical columns, carefully written: the writing fills the right-hand
portion of the sheet, the left half having been left blank. On the verso a short vertical
column gives the name and title of the addressee. Clear signs of the original folds
make it possible to establish the original dimensions of the papyrus. Twenty cm.

- F. LI. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, vols. i, ii, especially vol. ii (London 1898).

G. Moller, Hieratische Paldographie, i, 13.

L. Borchardt, Der siceite Papyriisfund von Kahun und die zeitUche Festlegung der dgyptischen Geschichte
(ZAS 37 (1899), 89-103).

'* A. Scharff, Briefe aits Illahun (ZAS 59, 20—51, pis. i— 12).

The papyrus is now in the collection of M. G. iMichaelidis of Cairo.

6 o

BERNHARD GRDSELOFF

VERSO

A*vva,i^

|i

%

3

AVwA

Ok

V

I m

R£CTO

;?. I

above the bottom of the recto is a great transverse
fold. It may be concluded that once the letter
had been written the sheet was folded exactly in
half : this would give an original height of 40 cm.,
including an upper margin of about 7 cm. which
was never inscribed and which is now lost.

In addition, it is still possible to discern five
vertical folds which divide the papyrus into six
narrow strips. After folding the sheet in half, the
writer began to fold it again commencing at the
left-hand edge. Five folds produced a flattened
roll which was then folded in half in such a way
that the inscribed surface was inside a roll, 10 cm.
high and 2-5 cm. broad, and secured in the middle
by string and a clay sealing now lost. Finally, the
roll was turned so that the transverse fold was on
top and the name of the addressee was written
on the verso in a short vertical column between
the fourth and fifth folds.

The contents of this little letter are ver}" simple.
The writer, apparently absent on a journey, in-
forms his servant of his impending return to his
home in the pyramid-town of Sesostris II at or
near El-Lahun. The servant is instructed to pre-
pare the house for his master’s return. The writer
also asks for news of a nurse, who was perhaps
the wife of the man to whom the letter was ad-
dressed.

The addressee is a certain Neni, whose

title is, unfortunately, partly broken away. To
judge from the surviving traces, the title cannot
be read smszv ‘valet’. Perhaps it was htmw,
which from the time of the Old Kingdom was a
designation of a special class of servant. Junker,
who has recently studied this title,=* translates it
bv ‘Beschliesser’ and suggests that its holders
were responsible for the custody of all the precious
objects in the house, including furniture, linen,
cosmetics, etc.

The lacuna at the beginning of the first line
of the recto has involved the loss of the title of

H. Junker, Giza, ill, i8o.

Plate \

A MIDDLE KINGDOM LETTER FROM EL-LAHUX

A NEW MIDDLE KINGDOIVI LETTER FROM EL-LAHUN

6i

the writer of the letter and of all but a small trace of the determinative ^ of his
name. For lack of other information we can only assume that the writer was an
official, probably contemporary with Ammenemes III, who lived in the pyramid-town
of Sesostris 11 . This official clearly possessed a servant and a nurse, though no doubt
they did not form his entire household.

Translation

Recto: (i) \The official AW] says: I cause thee to know that all thy affairs are zvellJ-

Lo, I shall arrive aV- Shm-Sowstt-msf-hiAV^ (2) It is (?) Then thou

shah ach so that I may find the house in good order and send me^ (3) a full repovT on the
health and life of the nurse Tima(t)P Once the house is put in order p thou shalt cause me
to arrive therein

Verso (address): The servant Neni.

Notes

1. Generally this formula, in a more developed form, was employed by officials
writing to their superiors, cf. Pap. Berlin 10003 A ii, 17, quoted Gardiner, Eg. Gramm.,
p. 256. Our present example shows that it can be used, in its simplest form, in a letter
addressed to a serv^ant. For di(-i) rh-k r-ntt cf. Pap. Berlin 10023 A, 2 = Scharff, ZAS
59. 27.

2. Cf. mk tzv r spr r hnw ‘Lo, thou shalt reach (thy) home’ (Shiptcrecked Sailor, 167).

3. The reading Shm-Snzvsrt-m/r-hrzv of the name of the pyramid-town of Sesostris II
has recently been established by Gunn.* According to Lefebvre’" the name should be
translated ‘Sesostris is powerful’.

4. In the lacuna there must have been the date of the writer’s intended arrival, cf.
Pap. Kahun, pi. 32, vi. 8, 11-12.

5. The construction of the sentence is clear: ih followed by the perfective sdmf
expresses a future consequence or an exhortation (Gardiner, op. cit., §450, 5a); cf.

J ‘Then, may the Lord, l.p.h. send (it) in vers’ good condi-
tion’ (Pap. Berlin 10017, 6). In our example, however, we find the Old Perfective
ir(zv) qualifying the object (p/ pr) of the verb gmi ‘find’ (Gardiner, op. cit., § 315).

6. For the construction see Gardiner, op. cit., § 171, 3; Lefebvre, Grammaire, § 403

7. Lit. ‘every’ matter of the health and life of’.

8. The name of the nurse, slightly damaged in the original, is somewhat rare. A

woman 3 ^^°, var. \ occurs on a stela from Abydos (Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers,
pi. 12, 7). Another occurs on the stela Cairo 20577d. In the midst of his

instructions to his servant, the master finds time to inquire after the health of this
nurse who, we suggest, may have been the wife of Neni.

9. In this sentence a complete clause of circumstance is emphasized by the so-called

‘emphatic form’ dd-k. Smrr occurs, slightly damaged, in a passage in the Pyramid
Texts, ^2S cleansed (his fingers and toes)’.‘= A further example from the

Old Kingdom (Dyn. V) occurs in ‘His Majesty caused me to be rubbed with oil,

^ jfEA 31, 106-7. Revue d’egyptol. 5, 49. Pyr. i297d.

63 BERNHARD GRDSELOFF

and my flesh to be cleansed in the presence of His Majesty by the inspector

[of the barbers] of the Palace’/ The Worterbiich apparently does not know this verb
in the IMiddle Kingdom, where, however, the simplex mn- is common and occurs once
in a context veiy^ similar to ours in ‘the temple is flourish-

ing and in ver\' good order’.'’ In our letter the Old Perfective smcr{w) expresses in a
different form the same idea rendered in 1. 2 by h'itc) m bzv fib nfr. Compare also in ho
pf pr sspd{zc) ‘is the house supplied where sspd{w) expresses a similar idea.

lo. It is well known that the adverb a means not only ‘here’ but also ‘hither’ or
‘(from) here’ {Wb. l, 164: ‘hierher’, ‘von hier’). The particular meaning attached to
the adverb depends in each case on the verb that is used. With verbs of motion it is
the direction of the verbal action that determines the precise nuance that is to be
assigned to the adverb. In our letter it would doubtless be possible to translate ‘I shall
arrive from here’. I am inclined to think, however, that in the mind of the writer the
important point was the end of his journey, ‘thou shalt cause me to arrive there , i.e.
to the house that had been prepared for him. Tvioreover, in the Kahun papyri there is
a significant passage in which, even after a verb which does not express movement, the
adverb Ci must be rendered ‘there’; ‘and if the

eleven workmen are still waiting there for their rations of beer (.^), all shall be well’.''
Finally, attention may be drawn to the unusual geminated writing of the adverb with
two a writing which apparently occurs with the same meaning in letters from
El-Lahun.®

Though only a modest little document, it has seemed useful to publish this papyrus,
if only to make its existence known to some future editor of the Middle Kingdom Letters
who may wish to include it in his corpus. There is little need to say how welcome such
a collection would be.

^ Urk. I, 60. ^ Pap. Berlin 10003 ^ if IQJ cf. Gardiner, op. cit., p. 256. ^ Westcar, 19-20.

Pap. Kahim, pi. 31, 3-7 = Gunn, Studies, p. 53, No. 63.

G. iVIoller, Hieraiische Lesestucke, i, 20, B. 8.

( 63 )

NOTES ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SUTY AND HOR

(British Museum Stela No. 826)

By JEAX SAIXTE FARE GARXOT

The interest of the Suty and Hor inscriptions (including the well-known solar hymns) ^
for the study of pre-'Amarnah religion has been recognized by many scholars, but
they have never been fully discussed and several passages in these texts are as yet
unsolved puzzles. I have had the privilege of reading the two hvmns with Professor
Seele, and Professor Lefebvre has also given me invaluable help by putting at my
disposal additional evidence and by providing several constructive suggestions. A new
translation of mine, which differs to some extent from that recently published by
Varille {Bull. hist. fr. 41, 27-9) will appear in the Comptes Rendiis des seances de V Aca-
demic des Insciiptions et Belles-Lettres, 1948, together with remarks on the religious
ideas expressed by Suty and Hor. Here I must confine myself to notes on the most
difficult passages. Since they deal with grammatical problems, and also because the
stela is in the Eg}’ptian collection of the British Museum, I am glad to submit the
result of my efforts to the critical examination of my colleagues in the issue of
the Journal dedicated to our revered mentor, the philologist par excellence, Sir Alan
Gardiner.

(1) L. I S I 6y no means sure that ^ is a peculiar writing of hft

(with w =/) as Grdseloff thinks {Ann. Serv. 43, 315). If the scribe had had a pre-
ference for this ‘abnormal’ (loc. cit., n. i) writing, we should expect to find it else-
where in the inscription. On the contrary, the three other examples are ^ ( 1 . 7) and

( 11 . 17, 21). i cannot be explained as an example of ‘graphic dissimilation’ (Drio-
ton), since this conjunction does not occur a second time in close proximity. I am
inclined to believe that jA originated in a confusion between two regular writings of
hft^ and ,J;_. Alistakes are not numerous in the Suty and Hor texts, but there are
some: ( 1 - 19) for Tj ( 1 - 20) for 1 )° (cf. 1 . 17), etc.

(2) L. 2 Breasted {Religion and Thought, p. 315), who translates ‘(not)

wearied in labor’, thinks that a negation has fallen out before ivrd. If this view is right,
the missing negation must be the participle of the verb tin, zvrd being, in that case, the
negatival complement. But a good sense is obtained without any emendation if we
consider that, though grammatically connected with Hpri, the word zcrd qualifies the
task, not the god: ‘Khepri, whose task is exhausting’.

(3) L. 2 Either ‘thy rays are upon (eveix') face (though) they

have not been noticed’, or ‘they are (already) upon every face (even before) they have

' Budge, whose translation is poor and often inaccurate, is the only Egyptologist who has seen {From Fetish
to God, pp. 414 ff.) that in these texts there are tzoo solar hymns and not merely one.

64 JEAN SAINTE FARE GARNOT

been noticed’, as Piehl has guessed {Rec. trav. 2, 73, n. 5), in his translation of a Cairo
stela, probably dating from Ramesside times, which reproduces, with many mistakes,
several passages from our text.

(4) L. 3 Erman’s translation {La Religion des Egyptiens, ed. Wild,

p. 135) ‘thou art Ptah!’ is impossible — one expects ntk Pth. Pth is probably a participle
of the verb pth ‘to shape’ used as an adjectival predicate before the dependent

pronoun tw (Gardiner, Eg. Gra 7 nm. § 374 B, p. 289). For this verb, hitherto known
only from late texts, see Wb. i, 565. Nb-k hrzv-k is likely to be an explanation — and not
simply a development — of the preceding sentence ; ‘a creator art thou, (since) thou hast
fashioned thine (own) limbs’, rather than ‘thou who hast fashioned . . .’ (virtual relative
clause).

(5) L. 3 is a crux. In spite of the determinative

hr ssm-f probably means ‘under his guidance’, cf. Der Rifah, Tomb IV, in Griffith,
Shit and Der Rifeh, pi. 17, 11. 56-7, quoted by Lefebvre, Gramm, de VEg. class. § 453,

‘unique god, under whose direction one lives’. Since the
expression ‘higher eternity’ {nhh hry) is meaningless, it follows that -py must stand
alone and is apparently a qualification of the sun. I take it as the perfective participle
(perhaps in the ‘substantival form’, see my note No. 14 on f^) of the verb hri ‘be far
away’, rather than as an example of the nisbe hry ‘the upper one’ (the plural hryw is
used of the stars, Wb. iii, 145). The omission of £5^ at the end of the word may be
easily accounted for, because the following word is (haplography) : the determina-
tives are frequently omitted in this text, e.g. in 1. 2 without ^ for ‘the god Khepri’.
I would translate the whole ‘he who traverses eternity, the remote one, with millions
of ways under his guidance’. The idea is that all travellers watch the sun to take their
bearings, and it is because the sun is so far away that he can preside over an infinite
number of roads.

(6) L. 4 ‘such is thy radiance, such is the radiance of the sky’. The

meaning is clear enough, but the construction is strange and has never to my know-
ledge been noted in any of our grammars; the preposition mi stands at the beginning
of each sentence just as if it were an adjectival predicate. Professor Gunn in a private
communication quotes as possible parallels ... (three times) in Gauthier,

Inscr. dedic. d’Abydos, 11. 9-10, ^ 54-5, 60, and ^ ^ in the Berlin stela 23077,

1. 10 (cf. Erman, Denkst. aus d. theb. Graberstadt, Sitzungsb. Berlin igii (vol. 49),
p. 1094, top), where hr, hy are certainly prepositions used like conjunctions. The
best example is that provided by the Abydus inscription, 1. 60: ‘such

art thou, such is the son of Osiris.’

(7) LI. 4~5 ^ The construction is probably, as in 1. 3 {pth tzv),

participle (predicate) -f dependent pronoun : ‘when thou departest, a hidden one art
thou from their sight.’ Taking into consideration that the determinative is placed
after A, Professor Lefebvre wonders if we have not here an early example of the old

* Not 8 as wrongly stated in the glossary, p. 106.

NOTES ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SUTY AND HOR 65

perfective 2nd masc. sing, in | (Erman, Neudg. Gramm., 2nd. ed., §331): ‘then thou
departest, having been concealed from their sight.’

(8) L. 5 This sentence is a little puzzling, because hr hm-k, if

translated ‘under ( = carrying) thy Majesty’, must refer to a boat, not to the navigation
itself. But as Lefebvre rightly points out, hr can be taken as meaning ‘under the
direction of’; cf. Wb. ill, 386 ‘unter jemds. Leitung’. Skd{w), which Wb.

ignores, is probably a masculine nomen actionis (Lefebvre, Gramm, de VEg. class. § 412),
the counterpart of skdzvt ‘cruise’ {Wb. iv, 309), unless it is simply a faulty writing of
that word. In any case we have here a pregnant construction, and I tentatively translate
‘thy navigation is safe, under the direction of thy Majesty.’

(9) L. 6 • (^) have here an extension of the construction dealt

with by Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., § 127, i : direct juxtaposition in a non-verbal sentence
with non-verbal predicate (archaic usage). As Seele has pointed out to me, the inver-
sion (the logical predicate coming first) lays the stress upon that predicate ; ‘every day
that thou spendest {hr{y)-k, Wb. ill, 390) is but a moment (for thee).’ (2) = sb-s

(the suffix -s referring to st) : ‘it passes and (already) thou settest.’

(10) L. 6 (i) Km in km n-k is certainly

intransitive, as has been understood by Breasted {contra Varille, ‘tu accomplis les heures
de la nuit pareillement’), but I believe, with Seele, that the meaning is ‘come to an
end’, not ‘hearken’ (Breasted). (2) I take gsgs-n-k as a subordinate clause (temporal),
sw obviously referring to grh, and I translate ‘the hours of the night come to an end
for thee likewise, after thou hast organized it without any cessation happening in thine
efforts’. For this conception see also the famous Leyden hymns, i, 350, pi. 1 1, 11 . 1 5-17
(Gardiner in ZAS 42, 22-3).

(11) LI. 6-7 Varille’s rendering ‘tons les yeux voient grace a

toi, et les finissent de voir quand ta majeste s’est couchee’ is open to criticism. It does not
account for the negation and neglects the fact that, by night, one continues to see (by
the moon, candles in the houses, &c.), though not so well as by day. Breasted’s transla-
tion is exactly opposite to that proposed by Varille: ‘nor do they finish when thy
Majesty sets’, but the sense thus obtained is poor, and the use of {nn sdm-fl) remains
unexplained. Erman’s rendering ‘they do not accomplish anything when thy Majesty
has gone to rest’ comes closer to the truth, though grammatically not really satisfactory.
One would expect rather n sdm-n-f, as in the Berlin leather roll (ed. de Buck), ii, 3-4:

(^ = ^) ‘the people cannot accomplish (anything) without
thee.’ Another solution — in my opinion the right one — ^would be to take ^ as a predi-
cate, km-sn being a substantive (subject) followed by a suffix. There is, moreover, a
word which Wb. v, 130 records as used always with suffix, in Dyn. XVIII only,
the meaning being ‘Dienst, Obliegenheit (neben bwt Amt)’. I had thus considered it
possible to translate ‘their duties cease when thy iMajesty sets (lit. not existing are their
duties . . .)’, but the sense of km is probably wider, as is proved by Lebensmiide, 32
( = Sethe, Aeg. Lesestiicke, 44, ii), to which Lefebvre has kindly called my attention.

66

JEAN SAINTE FARE GARNOT

We find there ptr km-k ‘what is your aim?’ (‘ZielP’ o. a., Sethe, Erlduter-

ungen, p. 62), lit. ‘what is your accomplishment?’ (i.e. what do you think you will be
able to accomplish by continuing to live?). In our text I now suggest the translation
‘their activities cease when thy Alajesty sets’.

(12) L. 9 . Breasted, Erman, and Varille assume that this sentence

is to be transliterated hpr r sU sw ds-f hpr ds-f (Varille ‘qui es advenu pour s’elever
de ses propres moyens, apparu de lui meme’), which is impossible. If sts were an
infinitive, the object would be the suffix •/, not the dependent pronoun szv (Gardiner,
Eg. Gramm., § 300). Since the sun is assimilated to Khepri, the scarab-god ( 11 . 2, 12),
and has just previously been compared with a falcon {bik), it is likely that the first part
of the sentence should read hprr sts szo ds-f ‘scarab who of himself has raised himself’,
as Birch (TSBA viii, 153) guessed as long ago as 1883. For hprr ‘scarab’ see Wh. iii,
267; Gardiner, op. cit.. Sign-list, Li.

(13) L. 10 As Kuentz has shown (‘Deux versions d’un panegyrique

royal’, in Griffith Studies, pp. 104, 106, nos. 12, 29), when a comparison is involved,
and not an identification, the name of a god is to be translated as a common noun, not
as a proper name, so that the article is needed before it. Rr pw (Cairo 20538, vs. 12),
for instance, comes to mean ‘he is a Re^’, or as Lefebvre prefers to translate, ‘he is
another Re^’. Here the case is slightly different, since it can be maintained that, in a
syncretistic text like this one, Khnum and Amun are identified with the god immanent
in the solar disk, but the fact that both Hnmw and Amn are determined by hnmrnt
(direct genitive) obliges us to translate ‘the Khnum and the Amun of human beings’
(i.e. the god who unites in himself, for the sake of men, the attributes of Khnum and
of Amun).

(14) L. II ‘He who has made them (— = cf. 1 . 13 ^ =

without number’, seems to be the substantival form ending in y of a perfective
active participle; cf. Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., § 359, p. 275, who quotes hmy, m{w)ty,
but not iry. This form is found again at the end of 1 . ii in ‘who has made

their sustenance’, and can be abbreviated in writing, as is proved by a duplicate (1. 8)
of this passage, where we read In both cases rnh is certainly a substantive

(cf. Wb. I, 205), not a verb. If cnh-sn were the sdm-f form used as object of a verb
(noun-clause, Gardiner, op. cit., § 184), this verb would be rdi, not iri. In any case
cannot be the regular perfective active participle of iri if the view expressed at the
beginning of this note is correct.

(15) LI. 12-13 A difficult passage. Varille’s

interpretation ‘. . . qui s’est fait lui meme et qui s’est vu tandis qu’il se faisait’ (art. cit.,
p. 29) is unacceptable, since in Ancient Egyptian such an idea could be rendered only
by mi sw ir-f sw. As Seele has pointed out to me, iry is certainly the passive

participle of the verb iri, the suffix •/ being used as a genitivus objectiviis ‘a creature of
his’. It is tempting to connect nb with iry-f, and to suppose that nb is to be repeated
before we, though written once only (‘every creature of his, unique (lord) . . .’). There
are other instances of haplography in our text: 1. 20 T® ? ‘ • Thebes, the city

NOTES ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SUTY AND HOR

67

of Amun. <0 Amun), mayest thou give me . . and 1 . 3 where, as I have suggested
above, is perhaps for I etc. Lefebvre agrees with Seele

as regards the meaning of iryf nb, and calls my attention to the many examples of the
expression in the 'Amarnah texts: Maj. Sandman, Texts from the time of

Akhenaten, 92, 1 . 5, quoted by Erman, Neudg. Gramm, f § 512, p. 249, and translated by

him ‘alles was er getan hat’;

- ij ,1 in

^ 1 ^3:^

‘thou art the mother and the

" i 1

’‘1

father of (every) being that thou hast made’. Sandman, op. cit., p. 12, 1 . 8;

‘all the creatures made by thee are dancing in thy presence’, op. cit., p. 14,
1. 5; ‘thou hast made the sky so that it

was remote, to rise in it and (thence) to see every creature that thou hast made, thou
being alone’, op. cit., p. 95, 11 . lo-ii, which seems to me conclusive. Taking into
consideration the end of the passage last quoted and its parallel, op. cit., p. 15, 11. 1-4,
Lefebvre suggests that in our passage of the Suty and Hor inscription, 'fg is an old
perfective 3rd masc. sing., wr{w). In that case, must have fallen out before

This is a clever guess, but it is simpler to suggest that is to be transliterated

iryf nb (nb) wc (for this well-known expression see Wb. I, 275, 18). Our translation
of the whole would be ‘the primaeval one of the Two Lands, wLo has made himself
and (later) has seen every creature of his (rather than ‘everything that he has made’),
the unique Lord, who has reached the limits of all lands every day (= at the end of
every day)’.

(.6) L. 18 wsti

Another difficult passage. obviously nn hr(-i}-, for the omission of the

suffix -i after a verbal form in this text, see 11. 16-17 j^^t before : i]

‘I have practised it (m^rt) and (therefore) thou hast promoted me’ {izv ir-nfi) s{y}
sci-n-k wi). M hrzv pn at the end of the passage clearly means ‘the same day’, as has
been recognized by Pierret {Rec. trav. i, 72) and recently explained with full details by
Daumas {Bull. Inst. fr. 48, 91). The construction with tvpzv-hr after a negative
statement, introducing its positive counterpart, is reminiscent of the one described by
Lefebvre, Gramm. Eg. class., § 406, who quotes Urk. iv, 368, 3-4 • • •

‘he who will hear (such a thing) will not say that . . . but on the contrary' he
will say . . .’. The main difference between the two examples lies in the fact that in our
text zvpw-hr introduees, not an infinitive, but a noun {sn-i) which, as regards the
indirect object of the following verb lirr-i, plays the role of an anticipatory' direct
genitive; zipzv-hr sn-i . . . hrr-i hr shrzv-f would be a rather sophisticated alternative to
zvpw-hr hrr-i hr shrw sn-i (for wpw-hr followed by sdm-f see Gardiner, Eg. Gramm.,
§ 179 B, p. 135). We can now translate ‘I will never agree with the sayings of a liar,
but on the contrary my brother, the likeness of me (because, as I do, he hates lies and
loves truth), I always agree with his plans’. The concluding sentence is a problem
even though at first sight quite simple, for if we take it as a virtual relative clause ‘who
was born with me the same day’, the sense obtained spoils the argument. The contrast
existing between the first sentence and what follows is not a matter of fact, but based

68

JEAN SAINTE FARE GARNOT

upon moral ideas. Suty or Hor says (a) that he does not approve of people who
deal in falsehood and are thus doing wrong (cf. just before, ink msr bzvt-f isf{t) ‘I
am a just one, whose abomination is sin’) : (b) that he supports all his brother’s plans,
evidently because he too is a faithful servant of Ma^et, being like him (in the moral
sense). The fact that they are twins, which would be referred to in connexion with the
general sense of the passage if^r-w/had a causal meaning (he who was born = because
he was born), has nothing to do with their rightness, and the mention of it weakens the
value of the statement. The only solution seems to be to take pr-n-f ... as a temporal
sentence with past meaning ‘after that he was born with me the same day’. The idea
would be that the speaker has been in agreement with his twin ever since they were
born. Actually ‘since he was born together with me on the same day’ seems the best
possible rendering, but this interpretation is not supported by the grammars, which
postulate dr before the verb in sentences meaning ‘since (such or such a thing hap-
pened)’. It may be that, if cumulative evidence leading to the conclusion suggested
above should be found — which until now is not the case — the accepted views on this
particular point will have to be altered.

I am much indebted to I. E. S. Edwards, who has given us an excellent edition of the
Suty and Hor inscriptions (Hierog. Texts BM viii, 22-5 and pi. 21), and to the editor
of the Journal, R. O. Faulkner, for their kindness in reading the manuscript of the
present article ; I owe them my grateful thanks for their friendly co-operation and for
some valuable suggestions.

(69)

THE NEVILL PAPYRUS: A LATE RAMESSIDE
LETTER TO AN ORACLE

By JOHN BARNS

The owner of this fine document, T. S. Nevill, Esq., Headmaster of Wellingborough
School, by whose kind permission I publish it, informs me that it was purchased in
London by his father, the late T. G. Nevill, Esq., F.S.A., at some time before 1903.
The papyrus, which is 25-3 cm. high by 22 cm. long, is of fair quality and the H/V side
(verso) is palimpsest ; traces of the original writing, in a much smaller hand, are visible
here and there at right angles to the present text. The latter is in a bold, upright, and
superficially handsome late Ramesside hand, variable and negligent in detail. Its anony-
mous writer requests the attention of an unspecified personage, evidentlv divine; he
says that he has already tried to engage it, but that the god disappeared into his sanc-
tuary before he could be approached. Now, however, having found someone who would
be admitted to the sanctuary^, he entrusts him with this letter, in which he requires the
god to make him a decision in the matter of some garments for which he is unable to
account to the Vizier.

If one were to believe that the letter was written in good faith to the god by a believer,
its naively familiar and insistent tone would be remarkable. One suspects, however,
that the writer is indirectly but consciously addressing the oracle’s priestly control.'
See commentary on it. 5 ff. ; vs. 4 ff. Certainly, apart from the absence of preamble
and address, the letter differs little from ordinary human correspondence of the period,
even ending with the conventional formula of farewell. On the part played by oracles
in judicial matters at this time, see Erman, Sitzimgsb. Berlin, xix (1910), 330 ff. ; E.
Meyer, ibid, xxviii (1928), 500 ff.; Vttt,JEA to, ii6ff. ; Blackman, ibid, ii, 249 ff.;
12, 176 ff.; Gardiner, ibid. 19, 19 ff.; Cerny, Bull. Inst.fr. 35, 41 ff.; 40, 135 ff.;
also references quoted by Cerny, and by Vandier, La Religion Egyptienne, p. 200.

I am most grateful to Professor Gunn, Professor Cernjq and Sir Alan Gardiner for
information and suggestions.

Translation

Rt. (i) T was looking for you to tell you of certain matters of mine, (but) you dis(2)-
appeared into your sanctuary, and there was no one admitted (3) to it to send to you.
But as I was waiting I met Hori, this (4) scribe of the Mansion of Usimare'-miamun,
and he said to me, “I’m admitted”; I am sending him to you. (5) Now look: vou must
discard mystery today, and (6) come out in procession, to decide the cases of the five
(7) garments of the Mansion of Haremhab, also these two garments of the scribe of the
Necropolis (?) ; Vs. (i) the Vizier doesn’t receive these clothes and says ‘ ‘Have you made

^ Cf. Gardiner, JEA 19, 28. The verbal convention is always kept up. Even the villainous priest of the
Turin Indictment Papyrus, who can have had few illusions, speaks of ‘causing the god’ to further his evil
designs; see Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documents, p. 75, ii. The writer of another letter to a god
(ZAS 53, 13 f . ; a text whose true nature was pointed out to me by Professor Gunn) is obviously sincere.

70 JOHN BARNS

up their (number)?”. (2) Now, one like you, being in a place of secrecy and hidden,
(3) sends out his pronouncements; but you haven’t yet sent me (news) good (4) or bad.
See now, you have made it so that Eseye, your got eleven (5) when you

Recto

? ^

//

n

z

ft

yyyy /7 —

^ ‘3 yr /y

I'? A- 3

— iis?-*.® ll■Mk^lJJJJ)■^^A]cS\i. !!?«=. 7

^ • 3 a-, ^Ajt. -^Ua^ cjAlc 4 i~ <xrf

3 .-^. 0A. Jf.a.-S'. tifc K.5, 3 .Atf lynMJcz. -Ift. ?iX:. 3^ fiJ £e>u^ ■‘icAs. cn

^ a s aIuc& A ... 'ta a. . Vo- - /Jci C<r>w«.Oi!Ca./t^ .

V erso

^La-.^a oML-y i -idtzn-!, £MCt mjy^tAzzn-a-jy:. 3 a, 'Jcr’L afZ . ^a. H ^0,1^ Ti^ C~i j TuXui.ce.d^a-<ziBfJ,-^^,r^

at tof , CeriaJ. ihS £az^ H CU JaCnoai -ta 07 ^ zlZka*X.. A-C-d-.Ae£. Carzrz^

AMaaaU Cf ^ aj2j ''^^ ai : CiAiaS ^ n ,..

went in for it (?), and that your pronouncements fail to come out, (6) as if (from) the
Underworld of a iMillion (Years?). Goodbye.’

Notes

Rl. I . ‘Either dd-i with final meaning after a verb of motion, or (r) dd : Cerny.

2. St rh-n-f: the Belegstellefi to Wb. ii, 443 (5); 445 (ii) show that what we must
here understand as ‘the place of that (masc.)-which-he (the god)-knows’, i.e. the place

NEVILL PAPYRUS: LATE RAMESSIDE LETTER TO AN ORACLE 71

of the cult-statue, is not easily distinguishable from the st rht-n-f of Aeg. Inschrr. Berl.
17021 (ii, 60), etc.

2f. Ms hr -S', cf. ch hr + place (not, however, vs. 5, below).

3. I understand (r) Jub-f n-k', after this, emend to hr ir {t)wi.

5. Iwk (r) kf, etc.: a strong request, cf. Coptic 3rd Future.

6 . M r n swtwt : it was in the course of such processions that the god gave his oracles ;
seeJEA ii, 253; 12, 183; Bull, inst.fr. 35, 56 ff.

Wdc-k, final. Cerny suggests that the scribe wrote thinking of For wdr in

a similar context, see Cerny, Late-Ramesside Letters, p. 37, 5 ff. : wdr mdt, P. Mayer

A 13 B 6.

7. Piy ky, etc. : Cerny compares n-ne in Coptic.

Hr (?) : as Cerny pointed out to me, the last signs in this line look very like rmt in 1 . 2,
above. Close examination of the uppermost of the two signs following pi, however,
suggests that it was begun and ended on top, where there is an indentation ; so I read,
very doubtfully, hr, with four strokes instead of n ; a writing for which I can find no
parallel, even in the most cursive hands. ^

Vs. I. I owe the interpretation of i-Ir-k mh-w as a question, and the sense of mh here
(for which see Wb. ii, 117 (18)), to Cerny.

2. Pi nty mi-kd-k : Gardiner points out that the expression is quite general in mean-
ing, ‘one like you’; he has supplied me with most of the following examples: Late-
Egyptian Stories, 91, 2 (restored); 15; P. Abbott 6, 16; Ram. Adm. Doc. 56, 6; plural,
JEA 31, pi. % a, II, 4; cf. zee n mi-kdf, Late-Egyptian Stories, 2, 5.

St stizv: see Wb. iv, 554 (5).

3f. Nfr bin: cf. P. Anast. i, ii, i ; v, 21, 2; Sail, i, 3, 3; LRL 3, 12; Sitzungsb. Berlin,
XLix (1911), 1098. It means ‘anything’. (Cerny.)

4. Mk di-k hpr ii, etc. : by this I understand the wMter to be reminding those in
charge of the oracle that he know^s that Eseye, a w^oman connected with its service, has
received, no doubt illegally, eleven (t/w-garments). This could account for the fact
that the writer seems able to dictate to the oracle in rt. 5 ff. The reading

was supplied by Cerny, wLo points out that the name occurs in P. Mayer A 4, 8, as a
variant of (ibid. 13, C 10); what follows in the damaged passage remains uncertain;
I suppose some w’ord designating the w^oman’s function ; but the two traces of a sign
or signs visible above the gap suggest nothing obvious.

5. M piyk ck hrf: I do not understand this; -/perhaps refers vaguely to ni in the
previous line. The construction seems to be that discussed by Gunn, JEA 32, 95.

Mtwhpr : an impersonal use, cf. Wenamun, 2, 58 ; P. Mayer A, 6, 13 ; P.B.AI. 10403, 3, 6.

6. Dit n hh: the expression is unfamiliar but seems not unnatural; cf. Wb. ill, 153
(13) I suppose that the writer compares the silence of the uncommunicative god with
the silence of the grave.

Nfr snb-k : see forew-ord.

‘ For a comparable final stroke, however, cf. LRL 53, 3, textual n.

- Gunn believes that the appendage to the top of the head of 'N which one sees in hieratic may be the result
of the coalescence with this sign of [ in the common expression ‘a million years’, and may in consequence
sometimes bear this reading.

( 72 )

ROUGE ET NUANCES VOISINES

Par GUSTAVE LEFEBVRE

Breasted a souligne a deux reprises' combien sont vagues, chez les Egyptiens, la percep-
tion et la notation des couleurs. Un des meilleurs exemples de cette imprecision semble
fourni par les mots exprimant, de fayon generale, la couleur rouge. Dans quelle mesure
cependant faut-il incriminer soit le vocabulaire egyptien, soit I’insuffisance de notre
analyse, c’est ce que je voudrais examiner succinctement dans cette Note, bien modeste
contribution a I’hommage rendu en ce jour a mon illustre confrere et ami. Sir Alan
Gardiner.

L’adjectif le plus usuel designant cette couleur est C’est le nom meme de

I’oiseau le fiamant (phaenicoptertis roseus), cite au Livre des Marts sous le nom, ecrit
en toutes lettres, de dsr ‘le rouge’^ et represente, peint en rouge, a Meidoum.^ Ce rouge
est celui de la flamme: il est dit des dieux irrites ‘qu’ils sont rouges comme un brandon
enflamme’ dsr-sn mi bs n sdtP En fran9ais egalement, le mot ‘flamant’, emprunte au
proven9al flamenc (de flmna), evoque la couleur de la flamme (cf. en diverses langues
flamingo). L’oxyde de fer que renferment certaines roches donne a celles-ci une colora-
tion rouge, assez violente, d’ou le nom de la Montagne Rouge, pres du Caire, le dw
dsr de Sin. B 15. Les individus a la chevelure rouge portaient le sobriquet — qui devint
nom — de Db-^ (comparer les noms propres Lerouge, Roux, Leroux).

L’adjectif dsr designe aussi la couleur du sang; le sang lui-meme est, dans certains
textes religieux, appele ' ' db-zv.^ C’est pourquoi des yeux injectes de sang (sous

I’effet de la colere) sont qualifies db". ‘Gardez-vous d’Horus aux yeux rouges, fou de
colere’ s>'{zv)-tn Hr dsr irty, mr n.’^ A cet emploi se rattache le causatif sdsr ‘rendre rouge’,
c’est-a-dire ‘sanglant’; ‘(Ton ennemi a ete frappe par les enfants d’Horus;) ils ont fait
rouge (sanglant) le coup qu’ils lui ont porte’ sdbr-n-sn hzvt-f,^ autrement dit: ‘ils I’ont
frappe (Seth) jusqu’au sang’. En relation avec le sang et la colere, dh se rencontre
encore dans I’expression dh ib ‘rouge de coeur, furieux’ a basse epoque, la meme idee
est aussi rendue par db' hr ‘rouge de visage’,'® qui s’oppose a hd hr ‘blanc de visage’,
c’est-a-dire ‘bienveillant, genereux’." De cette acception de I’adjectif dsr est enfin
derive un substantif dhzv ‘colere’ : ‘je suis (un homme qui) ne connait pas la

colere’ ink n rh-f dsnv.^-

Le mot db' s’applique d’autre part aux regions non cultivees de I’figN'pte, au desert

’ The EdzLiri Smith Surgical Papyrus, 193 et 364.

^ Lepsius, Todienbuch, ch. 31, 8-9, cite par Keimer, dans Ann. Serv. 33, 123-4.

^ Petrie, ^ledum, frontispiece, n° 6. * Bibl. Aegypt. IV, 28, 16 (XIX® dyn.).

’ Ranke. Agypt. Personennamen, 400, 23 et 24.

* Pyr. i464(:i; De Buck, Coffin Texts, I, 393 (spell 75) et II, 69 (spell 94); Budge, B. of the Dead, 293, 4;

344, 12. ’ Pyr. 253, a-h. — De meme, Alariette, Denderah, iv, 79: Hfpy irty tsrty.

* Pyr. 643(7. Le causatif sdsr se rencontre aussi, par exemple a Edfou, av'ec la signification ‘teindre en
rouge’ (au moyen d’orcanette des corps gras, des huiles); cf. Loret, Kemi, 3, 25-6.

^ Exemples dans JEA 29, 57.

" Anthes, Hatnub, 28, 8, etc.; Mentuweser, 8; Br. Mus. 581, vert. 6.

Wb. V, 490, 4-5.
Xu, 42, 21.

ROUGE ET NUANCES VOISINES

73

dsrt, par opposition a la ‘terre noire’ des cultures, kmt : ‘il est roi du pays noir,
il gouverne le pays rouge’ nswyf kmt, hki-f dsrt.^ Cependant il est peu croyable que le
desert soit apparu exclusivement rouge aux yeux des figyptiens : en fait, sur une stele
en bois du Musee du Caire, provenant de la necropole thebaine, le gebel est peint en
jaune raye et tachete de rouge ‘,2 nous dirions, nous, qu’il est ‘fauve’. Dsr est encore la
couleur de I’orge ser\"ant a la preparation de la biere, it dsr, et que nous considererions
plutot comme ‘blonde’. ^

De meme que le blanc est la couleur nationale de la Haute figypte, le rouge est celle
de la Basse figypte. A la ‘maison blanche’ pr hd de Haute Egypte a correspondu, a une
epoque tres ancienne, une ‘maison rouge’ pr dsr^ La couronne du Nord
etait, par opposition a hdt ‘la (couronne) blanche’ du Sud, generalement appelee
dht ‘la (couronne) rouge’. s Cependant elle portait encore un autre nom:
widt,^ mot qui designe egalement la deesse de Basse figvpte Wsdt, Outo,
ou mieux Edjo;^ celle-ci est appelee aussi irt Hr zv^dt ‘I’ceil d’Horus wfd’ et

fait pendant a la deesse de Haute figypte ‘la blanche de Nekhen’ hdt Nhn (ou ‘I’ceil
d’Horus blanc’ irt Hr hdt).

Comment I’adjectif zczd qui signifie ‘vert’ peut-il, dans les expressions precitees
(ailleurs encore), echanger avec dsr qui signifie ‘rouge’? D’apres Sethe, zi'/d aurait,
anciennement, qualifie des objets qui sont naturellement rouges: langue, viande, boeufs,
soleil.® Mais cela ne prouverait pas I’equivalence de zi'>'d et dsr, car il faut prendre
garde que zi'zd n’exprime pas seulement une notion de couleur, mais implique aussi une
idee de fraicheur, on pent meme dire — c’est bien le cas — de ‘verdeur’ : les traductions
‘frais, jeune, prospere, brillant’, &c. pourraient done convenir ici; en ce qui concerne
notamment la viande, on sait qu’au P. Smith les mots izef u'id signifient ‘viande fraiche’
ou ‘viande crue’.^ Sethe, toutefois, insistant sur le rapprochement de I’adjectif zesd et
du substantif -f\ J l zv^d ‘papyrus’ — au point de traduire le premier par papyrusfarbeti^^
‘qui a la couleur du papyrus’ — semble avoir considere comme certain que I’adjectif zad
etait susceptible de designer a la fois le vert et le rouge — grim iind ro/.” Il est de fait
que quelques parties de la tige, de I’ombelle et des folioles de la plante en question ont
une teinte rougeatre, et cette particularite n’a pas echappe aux peintres egyptiens, qui
I’ont plutot exageree.12 iMais le vert, dans le papyrus, I’emporte sur le rouge et les deux
couleurs sont, en tout cas, nettement separees: quiconque n’est pas atteint de dyschro-
matopsie ne saurait les confondre; d’autre part, il est difficile d’admettre qu’un meme
vocable ait pu reunir deux nuances si differentes de I’arc-en-ciel. Si cependant on

' Urk. IV, 58, 16-17. — De mime, Bakhtan, 2. Cf. aussi Admonitions, 3, i : dsrt ht t> ‘le desert a envahi les
terres cultivees’.

^ Maspero, Guide^ (1915), 342, no 3365; Ars Una, Egypte, 276 et pi. 2 (en couleurs).

3 Budge, B. of the Dead, 124, ii; 244, 4 {Wb. l, 142, 15 traduit ge/6e Gerste).

* Sethe, Unters. in, 127. 5 Pyr. -02 6; 911 a, et passim.

* Pyr. 13746; 1459a. Les deux noms alternent dans Pjr. 410 a: izc zenm-nf dsrt, iie rm-nf zndt il a mange
la (couronne) -dsrt, il a avale la (couronne) -ttvrff.

’’ Gardiner, dans 30, 56, et Onomastica, li, 193.*

* Sethe, Urgeschichte, 160, n. 2. ^ P. Smith, i, 2-3; 13, 16, etc.

Sethe, op. cit., 67, n. i; 160, et ailleurs. " Sethe, Kommentar, i, 187.

Par exemple, dans N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Puyemri, i, pis. 18 et 19 (en couleurs).

GUSTAVE LEFEBVRE

74

rencontre — c’est incontestable — wid en place de dh dans des expressions telles que
cedes qui designent la couronne on la deesse de Basse Egypte, la raison en est tres
probablement — comme I’a bien senti Erman^ — que w?d, nom d’une couleur gaie et de
bon augure, a ete par euphemisme substitue au mot dh, lequel revetait parfois la valeur
d’une epithete pejorative et pouvait, de ce fait, deplaire a des esprits superstitieux.

Cette valeur pejorative de dh est bien connue : on 1 ’ explique comme une consequence
de I’assujettissement de la Basse Egv'pte a la Haute figypte.^ Ainsi le mot dsr^ abstrac-
tion faite de la couleur qu’il represente, est-il devenu I’equivalent de ‘facheux, mauvais’,
&c. : ‘(O Isis,) delivre-moi de toute chose mauvaise, nuisible, rouge’ sfh-t wi m-r ht nbt
hint, dwt, dsrtJ S’il est vrai que le texte de Pyr. 1595 c (= P. 831) presente, la ou Ton
attendrait ht nbt dsrt, la curieuse variante ht nb{t) widt, on aurait, dans ce cas, un bon
exemple de wfd remplayant dh par euphemisme mais la lecture w^d n’est nullement
certaine .5 L’ epithete pejorative s’applique non seulement aux choses, mais parfois
meme a des personnes malheureuses : par exemple, a une femme, qualifiee de rouge,
hmt dht, parce qu’elle a accouche avant terme.^

Le rouge etant une couleur honnie, on imagina que le mechant dieu Seth etait rouge,
tandis qu’Horus etait blanc et Osiris noir.^ II avait les yeux rouges® et, dit Plutarque,
etait de la couleur d’un ane.^ A son image, les animaux en lesquels Seth s’incarne sont
rouges, notamment I’hippopotame — hb dh ou db dsr ^^ — auquel on attribue egalement
la couleur de la pitvxt-hnmt, le jaspe rouge.” Les partisans de Seth aussi sont rouges:
‘Ne reconnaissez pas le Noir (partisan d’Osiris), ne saluez pas le Rouge (partisan de
Seth)’ m rh km, m wU dsr.^^ C’est sans doute parce qu’elle etait scEur de Seth et d’Osiris
qu’Isis est representee comme une ‘femme noire et rouge’ st kmt dht.^^ Si le vin est
rouge (iffr), c’est qu’il represente I’oeil d’Horus, que les partisans de Seth mirent dans leur
bouche et imbiberent de leur salive qui devait etre rouge d’apres une autre legende,
c’est dans la bouche de Seth lui-meme que I’oeil d’Horus devint rouge. Toutefois,
etant donne que wid peut, par euphemisme, se substituer a dk, on ne sera pas surpris
que levin soit aussi designe, a I’epoque grecque, du nom de irt Hr widt,^^ tout

comme la deesse Edjo.

Les figyptiens se servaient encore pour designer le rouge, ou une couleur renfermant
du rouge, d’un autre adjectif, aussi ancien que le precedent, tmsH Le deter-

^ Voir ci-apres, note 4. ^ Sethe, Unters. ill, 128. ^ p_ Ebers, i, 14-15.

* Erman, Die Religion der Agypter, 39, ecrit a ce sujet: ‘Wenn man statt derer ihn (Seth) auch einmal griine
Dinge, d. h. Segensreiches tun lasst, so ist das nur ein Euphemismus.’

5 Sethe, Pyramideritexte, ni, 92. * Mutter und Kind, Rs. 6, i. ’’ Plutarque, De Iside, 22.

* Dumichen, Geogr. Inschr. ii, pi. 87-8. '> De Iside, 30.

Edfou, \'i, 216; 217; 222. On notera que </sr a souvent pour determinatif — ou meme pour substitut (217) —

un poisson ^§53. A I’epoque grecque, dsr, suivi du determinatif approprie, est le nom meme du taureau et de
I’hippopotame, Wb. v, 492, 12 et 13.

“ Cf. jfEA 21, 33, n. 6 (et Gardiner, KoUer, 41*, n. 10).

Stele Alettemich, 1 . 52 et 64 (texte fautif), citee par Drioton, Le Theatre egyptien, 84, n. i. Cf. aussi
Gardiner, Hier. pap. Br. Museum, Third Series, Text, lo-ii.

” Dumichen, Baugeschichte, 37. Sethe, Unters. x, 177. 's Ibid. 184.

Sethe, op. cit. in, 126, et exemples dans Wb. l, 107, 19 {Belegstellen, 19).

Et tms, tms: par souci d’uniformite, je transcrirai partout tms, quels que soient la graphie et Page des
documents.

ROUGE ET NUANCES VOISINES

75

minatif se refere manifestement a la pastille d’ocre rouge de la palette des scribes, dont
I’epithete dh designerait aussi bien, sinon mieux, la nuance exacte. C’est que tms
apparait generalement, et de tres bonne heure, comme I’equivalent pur et simple de
dsr. Ainsi, dans ce texte ou les deux mots sont places a la suite Fun de I’autre, en
apposition, et comme si le second contribuait a eclairer le sens du premier; tmst, dsrt
(determine par ^), nbt idbw Dp ‘la rouge-|ms 7 , la rongt-dsrt, la maitresse des champs
de Bouto’i (la deesse et la couronne rouge sont id confondues). Avant a definir, dans
un texte medical, le mot tms, deja devenu rare, le glossateur du P. Smith a recours a
Tadjectif dsr.^ De meme, d’un serpent qui a la face tms on dit que ‘sa face est en feu’
hr-f m ht]^ or la comparaison avec un brandon enflamme a deja servi, nous I’avons \ai
(note 4 de p. 72), a expliquer le mot dh.

Comme, dans aucune langue, deux mots ne sont jamais, du moins a I’origine, absolu-
ment synonymes, il doit exister une difference entre dsr et tmP. le passage de Pyr.
1349 a met en lumiere cette difference: il s’agit de la description realiste d’un dieu-
singe, Baboui,^ qui a ‘I’oreille rouge et le derriere tmf Bd)zci dsr msdr, tms rrt. L’adjectif
tms parait bien indiquer une couleur ou le rouge et le bleu sont meles : ‘violet’ convien-
drait assez bien ici. Dans le papyrus medical precite,^ ce meme mot revient avec une
signification analogue : d’un malade atteint d’une plaie profonde a la tete et presentant
les symptomes du tetanos, il est dit: hr ftmp, on ne se trompera pas en traduisant: ‘il a
le visage violace ’ou ‘cyanose’. Le glossateur a bien essaye d’expliquer le mot tms, mais,
nous I’avons vu, au moyen de dsr, qui ne nous eclaire pas; il a soin toutefois d’ajouter:
‘(rouge) comme la couleur du fruit-tjemeset’ mi irtyw prt tmstfi Mais ce fruit nous est
totalement inconnu.

Quelques substantifs sont derives de tmPJ le plus interessant est le mot abstrait

qui apparait au M.E.s.et, ayant perdu sa signification
premiere, equivaut a I’expression pejorative citee ci-dessus : ht dsrt. On trouve ce mot
dans des expressions comme: dbs (^J) tmsw ‘punir les mauvaises actions’, ^ wsh
et whs (?|P^)“ tmsw ‘detruire (en les abattant) les maux, (les fautes, I’ini-
quite)’, — sin (Pi]2I) tmsw ‘effacer les fautes’, dr (^’^j tmsw ‘ecarter (repousser) le
mal ’,^3 — mdst nt tmsw ‘le livre ou sont inscrits les peches’,^-^ &c.

’ Pyr. 91 1 (z. Cf. 702 b pour mni dsrt 'qui appartient a la rouge-?ws;, la rouge-t/fj-?’, et voir les observations
de Sethe, Kommentar, iii, 288. - P. Smith, 3, 20-1. 3 Chronique d'Egypte, Xo. 29, 23-4.

On le retrouve sous le nom de B;b>’ dans le conte d’Horus et Seth, 3, 9.

5 P. Smith, 3, 10. 6 2^ 2j_

On peut citer comme derivation directe: Unit ‘etoffe de couleur-fwj (rouge ou violette)’; cf. Pyr. 1147 a.

® Ce mot a ete reconnu d’abord par Lepage-Renouf, TSBA 2, 312. Il en cite deux exemples d’epoque
ramesside ou ptolema'ique ; mais tmki- serait en realite atteste a plus haute epoque s’il est exact qu’on le trouve
dans Griffith, Siut, pi. 16, 12 (texte peu sur) et dans Coffin Texts (voir n. 12 ci-apres).

^ Urk. IV, 42, 3; Obelisque de Philae, aujourd'hui en Angleterre; Lepsius, Ausziahl, xvii B, 3.

Aloret, Rituel, 134.

” Gardiner, Hier. pap. Br. Miiseutn, Third Series, pi. 8, recto to, 13-14, et Text, 19, n. 7.

De Buck, Coffin Texts, 1, 183 (spell 44): graphic

” Urk. VI, 91, 6 (en parallele avec hsr dsrt, 1 . 8, qui a exactement la meme signification). Cet exernple m’a

ete signale par G. Posener, qui attire aussi mon attention sur le texte de Urk. vi, 127, 7-8, ou t) |i a pour

variante ‘choses mauvaises’.

Lefebvre, Peto^Vw, no. 63, 4: lire au lieu de que donne le te.xte (et cf. a ce proposJP.d 24, 171).

76

GUSTAVE LEFEBVRE

Pour conclure, nous avons vu que dsr designe le coloris de I’oiseau qui, dans les
langues modernes, tire son nom de la flamme, le rouge plus fonce de certaines roches,
du sang, du vin, le roux des cheveux. II pent en meme temps exprimer ce qui, de
nature, est jaune ou fauve comme le desert, le sable, ou blond comme Forge. S’il
semble parfois rejoindre wid ‘vert’ dans la gamme des couleurs, c’est la pur precede de
style, inspire par une idee superstitieuse. Par centre, dsr s’emploie comme equivalent
de tms, mot qui semble bien avoir originairement designe le ‘violet’, mais qui a perdu
de bonne heure sa signification propre, n’a plus ete compris et s’est finalement con-
fondu avec dsr qui, lui, a survecu jusqu’a la fin de la langue (copte Tcop^).

( 77 )

LES SIGNES NOIRS DANS LES RUBRIQUES

Par GEORGES POSENER

Le troisieme rubrique du P. d’Orbiney s’interrompt au milieu pour faire place a
trace a I’encre noire apres | rouged Gardiner, dans son edition du texte, releve
cette particularite qu’il attribue aux ‘superstitious reasons’. ^ Le phenomene n’est pas
isole et la remarque de Gardiner merite une glose.

Pour situer le probleme, il faut fournir quelques renseignements sur un emploi
particulier des couleurs dans les manuscrits egyptiens qui n’est pas utilitaire et qui
tient a la valeur symbolique du rouge.^ Pour des raisons qu’on ne pourrait examiner
ici,4 il prit une signification defavorable^ et fut associe avec le serpent Apopis et le
dieu Seth. Il en est resulte dans I’ecriture une extension de I’emploi de I’encre rouge
et des restrictions a son usage.

Deja a la fin du Moyen Empire, une partie des statuettes de captifs trouvees a
Saqqara portent des textes a I’encre rouge:* ce sont des enumerations des etres dan-
gereux, identifies a Apopis"^ et combattus a I’aide de I’envoutement.^ Les textes reli-
gieux et magiques du Nouvel Empire utilisent couramment le rouge pour Apopis.*
A la XXX® dyn. et a I’epoque ptolemaique, la rubrique devient constante pour ses
noms et surnoms, ainsi que pour Seth'° et pour leurs compagnons.” Il ne semble pas

' P. d’Orbiney i, 8. ^ L.-Eg. Stories, loa, note i, et 99.

3 Longuement etudiee par Kees, FarbensymboUk in dg. religidsen Texten, Nachr. Gottingen, 1943, 446-64.
Kees se cantonne sur le terrain egt-ptologique ; voir sur les possibilites qu’offre le comparatisme Wunderlich,
Die Bedeutung der roten Farbe im Kultus der Griechen und Roiner, Religionsgesch. Versnche und Vorarbeite?!,
20, I (1925).

* Cf. Kees, loc. cit. ; explication purement historique dans Sethe, Unters. 3, 126-8. Gardiner dans Tomb of
Amenemhit, 20, n. 3, souligne avec raison les difficultes du probleme.

5 Sur le sens pejoratif des termes designant cette couleur, cf. Lefebvre, ci-dessus, p. 74.

* C’est le cas pour routes les grandes figurines ayant conserve entre autres les listes de princes et de pays
etrangers, ainsi que pour certaines des moyennes, voir la classification dans Chron. d’Eg. 14, 42.

7 Rev. d’e'gyptol. 5, 53.

* Les descriptions de rites manuels similaires, frequentes dans les textes tardifs, ne parlent pas, autant que
je peux voir, de I’encre rouge, mais de ryt lodt ‘couleur fraiche’ plutot que 'couleur verte’; il faut sans doute
comprendre: encre melangee ou diluee expres pour la ceremonie. Comparer I’utilisation dans les memes rites
de sw n mnet ‘feuille de papyrus vierge’. L’efficacite magique semble exiger I’emploi de matieres neuves.

5 Par ex. LAI, Nu, passim', P. Beatty VII, rt. 5, 5; VIII, vs. 7, 4; id. 7, 3: '■pp fifty in R'). Ses surnoms en
rouge: nyk, P. Boulaq XVII, 10, i ; dzc-kd, P. mag. Harris, 6, 2. Seul le determinatif rouge: LM, Ani, 21, 19;

P. Beatty VIII, vs. 7, i. Extension de I’emptoi: ^ rouge dans un contexte noir, P. Beatty

VI, vs. I, 2.

Je n’ai pas note d’exx. plus anciens du nom de Seth ecrit a I’encre rouge au milieu d’un texte noir. Les
MSS. du LAI, echelonnes du NE a I’epoque ptolemaique, devraient permettre de dater cette innovation.
L’enquete est rendue difficile du fait que Naville n’indique pas les rubriques dans son texte parallele et qu’elles
ne ressortent pas dans les editions photographiques du LAI. J’ai note seulement que le LAI de Turin (ed.
Lepsius, ptol., cf. ZAS 58, 152-3) ecrit Seth regulierement en noir, sauf une fois, dans le chap. 9, oil il est
rouge; id. Leide T i; dans le meme passage, Pb et Pc (XVIIL dyn., consultes au Louvre) ont Seth en noir.
Voir aussi le P. Berlin 3055 (XXII® dyn.) oil le signe ^ est efface dans i, 3; 3, 8; 29, 6; 31, 6; 32, 5; intact
dans 3, 9; 32, I ; 34, 5 et dans la marge, ainsi que dans les autres pap. de la meme serie; cette suppression n’a
rien de systematique. " P. Bremner-Rhind, IJrk. vi, P. Schmitt cite par Aldller, Hierat. Pal. 3, 4.

GEORGES POSENER

78

que Ton soit en presence d’une association objective de la couleur avec les etres qu’elle
caracterise, car s’il en etait ainsi, d’autres mots lies a la notion du rouge auraient ete
rubriques, ce qui n’arrive pasd Dans cette extension de son emploi, le rouge est
reserve aux ennemis des dieux. Or, les rituels tardifs ou cette tendance est le plus
marquee prescrivent la confection en cire rouge de figurines d’Apopis et de Seth^ qui
sont ensuite maltraitees. D’autre part, I’ecriture represente le serpent et I’animal
perces de couteaux.^ Ces rapprochements suggerent que le rouge est utilise parce que
funeste pour ceux qu’il marque. Dans I’ecriture, comme dans les rites manuels, les
deux precedes, coloration et mutilation, paraissent complementaires.

Dans la Clef des Songes du P. Beatty III et dans les Calendriers des Jours Pastes et
Nefastes, les mauvais pronostics sont rubriques.'^ Sans doute, a-t-on ici un cas de
differenciation a I’aide de la couleur, les bons pronostics etant noirs, mais il est signifi-
catif qu’on ait choisi le rouge pour annoncer les jours dangereux et les reves funestes.
II n’est pas exclu que la couleur renforce le sens du terme et lui communique une
nuance particuliere, menace ou mauvais augure.s On pent mesurer la force de cette
teinte porte-malheur par deux fragments de Calendriers^ ou les | noirs expriment les
bons presages et les | rouges le danger.

II n’est pas surprenant que les scribes aient evite de I’employer dans certains cas; ils
Pont fait essentiellement pour les noms des dieux, des rois et des morts. Les Coffin
Texts ignorent ces limitations,'^ comme ils ignorent Pextension de la rubrique aux etres
maudits ; leur utilisation du rouge est purement fonctionnelle. Mais les autres manu-
scrits du Moyen Empire* et des siecles ulterieurs appliquent la regie avec toute la
rigueur dont leurs auteurs sont capables.^ Quand les rubriques s’arretent avant ou
debutent apres les mots sacres, il pourrait y avoir un doute quant aux motifs du scribe;^®

’ Cf. dht ‘desert’, litt. ‘pays rouge’, Urk. vi, 17, 17; 27, 5; dirt ‘fureur’, litt. ‘rougeur’, id. 81, i; 91, 8; P.
Bremner-Rhind, 23, 14 (en parlant de I’orage); nt, couronne rouge de la Basse Egypte, Urk. vi, n, 16; snf
‘sang’, P. Bremner-Rhind, 30, 1. 24, ainsi que les differents mots designant la flamme, mgmes MSS., passim.
Je choisis expres ces papyrus pour les exx. negatifs a cause de I’usage etendu qu’ils font des rubriques pour les
Stres malfaisants. Ailleurs non plus je n’ai note de rouge pour les mots ou notions enumeres.

^ Voir pour Seth, Urk. vi, 5 . 6 ; 37 . 4; Rec. trav. 16, no, 1 . 31 ; cf. Edfoux, 133,1. 26 ; pour Apopis, P. Bremner-
Rhind, 23, 6-7; 26, 20, oil est a lire dsr, cf. Chassinat, Edfou vi, 217 n. i et 222 n. 6.

^ Pour le serpent, constant dans le LM; quand le serpent est noir, les couteaux sont rouges, par ex. P.
Boulaq XVII, 4, I ; 10, i ; P. Beatty IV, rt. 6, i ; P. Sail. IV, 22, 9; quand le serpent est rouge, les couteaux sont
noirs (cas le plus frequent), par ex. P. Beatty VII, rt. 5, 5; VIII, vs. 7, 1.3. 4. Le contraste fait ressortir
la presence des poignards. Parfois le serpent est sans tete. — Pour I’animal de Seth, cf. Urk. vi, P. Bremner-
Rhind, passim.

•* Deja au ME, Griffith, Kah. Pap., pi. 25.

= On ajouterait en quelque sorte aux notions '■hr et div la notion dh au sens figure; diu et dsr se trouvent
associes dans les textes, cf. P. Ebers, i, 14-15. 20; P. Bremner-Rhind, 32, ii; ZAS 65, 36; 67, 107.

* Publics par Malinine, Mel. Maspero i, 879-99. ’’ Ex. isole: CT III, 301a.

* J’ignore la situation dans les MSS. plus anciens.

Les exceptions totales sont rares, voir par ex. le Rituel d’Amenophis I de Turin (ed. Bacchi). Les cas
isoles sont assez nombreux et s’expliquent par une distraction du scribe. Dans le P. Bremner-Rhind, 22, 24;
23, 17 le nom de Ra est ecrit en noir sur des traces rouges, apres une rubrique. On est tente de supposer que
le scribe n’a pas change a temps de pinceau et, s’apercevant de son erreur, a efface le groupe rouge et I’a reecrit
dans la couleur convenable. Une faute semblable, 31, 'lo, perdue dans une longue rubrique, lui a eebappe
M. J. Cemy me signale le nom de Thot dans la rubrique du P. Boulaq vi, 3, 4 ecrit en rouge et repasse a
I’encre noire.

Tres souvent e’est le debut d’un passage qu’il importe de marquer a I’aide de la couleur, e* le scribe est

LES SIGNES NOIRS DANS LES RUBRIQUES 79

mais les cas indiscutables ou les signes noirs figurent au milieu des rubriques montrent
que le changement de pinceau est provoque par la rencontre de ces mots.' Tous les
dieux et deesses beneficient de I’encre noire.^ Les cartouches des rois, vivants ou morts,
souvent avec leurs epithetes, meme lorsqu’ils entrent dans la composition des noms
geographiques, s’ecrivent en noir.3 Les proprietaires des Livres des Morts ont leurs
noms, titres et filiation traces a I’encre noire. On pent le faire aussi pour qui les
designe et pour les elements constitutifs de leur personne.^ Le privilege englobe les
emblemes sacres et les images divines. s Les mots designant le roi jouissent du meme
privilege^ qui peut s’etendre a la reine’ et a I’heritier du trone.^ Mais les pronoms se
rapportant au rois, aux dieux et aux morts sont regulierement ecrits en rouge dans les
rubriques.® II en est de meme pour les noms divins et royaux compris dans les noms
de particuliers'° et souvent pour les expressions composees avec nswt, byty, ntr.^^ Avec
le temps les limitations se multiplient et atteignent hrt-ntr ‘cimetiere’,'- hrw ‘jour’,'^ le
signe &c.'5

libre d’arreter la rubrique oil il veut. Cf. la longueur variable des incipit rouges dans les difTerentes copies de
I’Enseignement d’Ammenemes, de la Satire des Metiers et de I’Hymne au Nil; il y a divergence meme entre
le P. Sail. II et le P. Anast. VII ecrits par le m.eme scribe.

' Ainsi P. Boulaq xvin, 24, 18-19 la rubrique s’interrompt pour avant le meme

titre; 19, 4, 16; 21, 2, i ; 27, 2, 3; 34, i (roi) est noir au milieu de signes rouges et 14, 2, i aussit&t

apres eux; 18, 3, 15-16 des noms divins sont noirs a I’interieur d’une rubrique et 15, 2, i ; 35, 2; 44, 2, i apres
sa fin. Les cas incertains restent neanmoins nombreux.

* Par ex. Prisse, 17, 10 (Homs), M.u.K. 13, 3 (Ra), P. Turin, P.-R., 77, ii (Isis), P. Ermitage iii6a, rt. 125
(ntr), P. Boulaq xvii, 6, 2 (^•^)> 8, 5 (seul le determinatif de ce mot). E.xx. de Seth: P. math. Rhind, Y No.
87; LM, Nu, chap. 134, 14. Dans le P. Ebers, ntr (34, 10; 44, 22; 45, 10. 14; 46, 15) etHnsic (108, 17; log, 19)
sont rouges sans doute parce que dangereu.x; les noms des dieux secourables sont noirs: Ra (46, 10), Chou
(46, 16), Anubis (103, 2). Ailleurs, meme les dieux porteurs de germes ont droit a cette prerogative, par ex.
P. Hearst 6, 16; P. med. Londres 14, i ; P. med. Berlin, 5,9; 6 , 6 ; 8, i. La diflFerence doit correspondre a un
changement de la signification assignee a I’encre rouge.

^ Par ex. dans les noms geogr., Griffith, Kak. Pap. 10, 2; 19, 64. 65; 26 a, 26. Pour les titres precedant le
cartouche il y a flottement, cf. op. cit. 10, 3 ; P. Ebers, 103, 2 et le calendrier du vs.; LM, Nu, chap. 64, 26.

* Cf. Ani, 16, 35; 17, ti. 15. 26. 27 (b>’, hit)\ en rouge dans Nu.

5 Leur figuration: P. med. Londres, n, 13 ; P. Leide 347, 12, 9; leur nom et meme leur description: par ex.
P. Turin, P.-R., 131, 7; P. mag. Harris, 6, 8-9; 7, 4; CCG, Golenischeff, Pap. hierat.. No. 58027, 3, 16-17;
parfois seulement le determinatif qui les represente: LAI, Ani, 8, 30 ; Turin, ed. Lepsius, lxxv, 156 &c.

* Par ex. ‘Lederhandschr.’ 2, i. 7; P. Ermitage iii6b, rt. 57; P. Harris 500, vs. 4, i (nmt); LM, Nu, chap.
136, 24; 125, 53 {tmvy-K-bytyzt})\ Griffith, Kah. Pap. 39, 8 {hki)] pour nb, cf. plus haut, n. i.

7 Cf. ibid.

® P. d’Orbiney, 19, 3, exemple releve par Gardiner, L.-Eg. Stories, 99.

^ J’ai note seulement dans LAI, Ani, 19, neuf rubriques avec le suff. repasse a I’encre noire. Dans

la rubrique du P. Boulaq xvil, 9, 6, apres ist ‘equipe’ est noir: c’est vraisemblablement le determinatif

qui a impose sa couleur aux autres signes, cf., 8, 5 oil seul est noir. — Pas plus que les pronoms ne meritent
ici le noir, ceux qui se rapportent a Apopis et a Seth ne s’ecrivent en rouge. — | + suff. s’ecrit en rouge au
AIE: Sin. B 219. 256; Paysan, B i, 78; R 123.

Nombreux exx. dans Griffith, Kah. Pap., 10; cf. Paysan, R 41. 47. 52, &c. (Dhzvty-nht) ; P. Boulaq iv,
Alariette, pis. 22-3 (Hnszc-htp), See.

“ Par ex. Griffith, Kah. Pap., 10, 21 (rh-nsict); P. Boulaq xvill, 23, 2, ii {smct-nszvt); JEA 27, pi. 9
(sdizvty-byty) ; LAI, Nu, passim {hrt-ntr) ; dans sntr ‘encens’ est regulierement rouge dans les mbriques.

LAI, Turin, ed. Lepsius, passim; egalement n-slne, id., XLIV, 1 17-19.

Pour les notes 13-15 voyez la page suivante.

8 o

GEORGES POSENER

Les mobiles exacts qui ont incite les scribes a agir ainsi sont difficiles a serrer de
pres, et trop de precision pourrait d’ailleurs fausser la realite. Les raisons ont du varier
d’un cas a I’autre, difFerents facteurs ont pu concourir a I’etablissement de I’usage et
d’autres encore assurer son maintien ou amener son extension, notamment la crainte
de rendre hostiles des etres puissants ou de leur nuire, de causer prejudice au mo it,
de rendre nefastes les jours et dangereux les lieux, souvent un simple non decet.

Apres ce tour d’horizon, on pent revenir au groupe noir du P. d’Orbiney qui a ete
mon point de depart et se demander lequel des deux signes, ou ©, a determine le
changement de couleur. Malgre les paralleles tardifs, le 0 est exclu, car dans la meme
rubrique figure ecrit en rouged II reste le serpent, et pour saisir le mobile du

scribe, il faut rapprocher I’exemple de quelques cas sporadiques et contemporains de
signes noirs dans les rubriques, dont il n’a pas encore ete question. Je donne en carac-
teres hieroglyphiques les signes noirs et en transcription les rouges.

1 P. Sallier I, 9 vs. i : hity-c m shy Tii-^ —

2 2 : sik tw r smdt

3 P. Sallier II, i, i: hty-r m shyt

4 2, I : nhs ^ r rh

5 3, i: izv-i ;^,nd

6 3, 5: m-k n-i hry ht-i

7 3, 9: m shyt

8 4. 4: i'iO'f hr g sirt n ky

du P. d’Orbiney et les exemples 5 et 8 ont ceci en commun que dans les trois cas
c’est'un groupe de signes qui est noir et non un caractere isole. Les autres exemples
montrent que et S ont cette couleur a cause du signe de roeil.3 II semble ainsi que
dans certains cas le signe superieur pent deteindre sur les inferieurs, qui ne sont pour
rien dans le changement de I’encre.^ Les signes ainsi reserves sont des phonogrammes
('1 , et des determinatifs ('^, ^), etil est visible que leur fonction dans I’ecriture
est etrangere au traitement particulier qu’ils re9oivent. On ne pent I’attribuer a une
assimilation avec la serie divine^ que ces manuscrits ne semblent pas respecter^ et qui,

Le mot entier ou seul le determinatif ©I, id., passim-, P. Bremner-Rhind, 28, 17.

Phenomene sporadique, cf. CCG, Golenischeff, Pap. hierat., No. 58027, 3, i. 6 (determinatif de ivnivt
‘heure’); P- Bremner-Rhind, 28, i6. 17 (dans rr nb ‘chaque jour’) et certains exx. de la note precedente. La
cause est a chercher sans doute dans I’emploi du meme signe pour ecrire le nom de Ra. L’identite de prononcia-
tion, envisagee comme motif par Faulkner, yiJid 23, 167, n. 2, pour les exx. de rr nb, n’est pas valable dans les
autres cas.

'5 Par ex. pr-rnh ‘maison de la vie’, CCG, Golenischeff, op. cit., No. 58027, 4, i.

' De meme dans la rubrique precedente, i, 4, sans parler des nombreux exx. dans les pages qui suivent.

^ Je rends par zc les trois traits 1 1 1.

^ Dans la meme rubrique que figurent <=» et rouges.

Le scribe a pu tarder de changer de pinceau ou il a prefere sauter tout le cadrat pour le combler ensuite en
revenant a I’encre noire.

5 Par ex. ^ et sv a cause de I’oeil a cause du dieu Sebek, a cause de la deesse Edjo. A ce

compte, [!, |, ”, “I , ^ et bien d’autres signes auraient du beneficier de i’encre noire.

® Hrpy (P. Sail. II, 1 1, 6; 14, 6) et hnnt (P. Sail. II, ii, i) sont ecrits en rouge dans les rubriques; pareille-
ment dans le P. Anast. VII, 7, i ; 7, 7, oeuvre du meme scribe.

LES SIGNES NOIRS DANS LES RUBRIQUES 8i

d’ailleurs, ne comprend pas de phonogrammes meme a I’epoque ptolemaique. II est
sans relation avec les textes, aussi bien oeuvres classiques (Enseignement d’Amme-
nemes, Satire des Metiers) que conte neo-egyptien (Deux Freres). Pourtant il est
difficile de dissocier ces exemples que rapproche la date des manuscrits, copies par
Pentwere (P. Sallier I) et Ennena (P .Sallier II et d’Orbiney) a la fin de la XIX® dyn.,
ainsi que leur caractere commun de specimens calligraphiques. Une explication unique
est vraisemblable. Les signes ^ , "sss suggerent une superstition. On pourrait concevoir
que les scribes n’aient pas voulu dessiner en rouge un serpent et un crocodile pour ne
pas en faire des signes annonciateurs de malheur a redouter de leurs modeles vivants,
pour ne pas rendre hostiles ces derniers, pour ne pas les provoquer. Une telle sollici-
tude a regard du lecteur irait bien avec le caractere exterieurement soigne des manu-
scrits. Ce serait, au profit du vivant, le pendant du souci d’enlever des ecrits funeraires
tout element materiellement dangereux pour le mort.

Ce cas particulier de suppression du rouge parait etre un raffinement. Pentwere
et Ennena eux-memes ne tiennent compte de I’interdiction qu’au debut de leurs manu-
scrits.^ II faut penser que la regie n’etait pas imperieuse et la croyance qu’elle materia-
lise peu repandue, ni tres forte. Appliquee a I’ceil, elle doit signifier qu’on evitait
I’encre rouge pour que le lecteur ne s’exposat pas a fixer le mauvais oeil.^ La crainte
qu’il inspirait a I’epoque de nos exemples^ est mise en evidence par la conclusion d’une
priereaThot 3 vendue par Gardiner ‘O Thoth,

thou shalt be my helper; so shall I not fear the eye.’^

' A la meme page du P. Sail. I, vs. qui a fourni les deux premiers e.xx. aux 11 . 1-2, on trouve, 1. 3 et
1 . 4 rouges dans des rubriques; le rt. de ce MS. n’a pas de rubriques contenant les signes de I’ceit de
crocodile ou de serpent; le titre de 3, 4 passe a I’encre noire avec 7^. Le P. Sail. Ill, du egalement a
Pentwere, contient peu de rouge, sans interet pour nous. — CEuvre d’Ennena; P. d'Orbiney: est noir a la

p. I (notre ex.), en lacune dans 2, 5, rouge par la suite (7, 2; 12, 7; 13, 6; 14, 9; 16, 6); pas d’exx. de Poeil
ou du crocodile dans les rubriques de ce MS.; toujours rouge et ceci des 1,1. P.Sall. II : avant 4, 4 I’ceil
est toujours noir dans les rubriques, apres rouge (4, 6; 7, 4; 12, i); pas d'exx. de crocodile dans les rubriques;
les serpents (^ , ^w.) n'y apparaissent qu’a la p. 4 et ont la couleur rouge du contexte (4, i. 4; 5, 5. 7; 6,
I, &c.). P. Anast. VII: ceil et serpent sont ecnts en rouge et se rencontrent des les rubriques de la p. 2; mais
il manque plusieurs pages au debut de ce MS. et la ou il debute le te.xte parallele du P. Sail. II n’observe plus
la restriction (6, i). P. Anast. IV et VI: pas de rubriques.

^ L’equation ceil rouge = mauvais ceil, attestee en dehors de la vallee du Nil (Seligmann, Die Zauberkraft
des Auges und das Berufen, 233), serait naturelle dans le cadre des croyances egyptiennes qui pourraient la
mother de diverses faijons, cf. Pyr. 253 a-b: Horus courrouce aux yeu.x rouges; P. Beatty III, rt. ii, 7: ceil
rouge de I’homme rouge, un des types de I’homme typhonien.

^ Sur cette superstition en Egypte, cf. Spiegelberg, ZAS 59, 1491!.; Schott, ZAS 67, 106 IT.; ajouter
VI, 300, 1 . 26; les mentions sont pour la plupart tardives et Spiegelberg affirme ne pas en connaitre avant
I’epoque sai'te; a la meme p. 153 ou il le dit, il accepte de voir dans le nom propre neo-eg. une

attestation de cette croyance. ^ P. Anast. Ill, 5, 4. s PSBA 38, 130.

* Comparer la discretion prudente du texte qui sous-entend le mot ‘mauvais’ a la litterature magique oil
I’on evite de nommer le crocodile par son nom (msh), pour ne pas le provoquer, cf. Lange, \Iag. Pap. Harris,
lo-ii. — L’amulette publiee par Schott, op. cit., nomme Thot parmi les protecteurs contre le mauvais ceil.

M

(82)

THE RITE OF ‘BRINGING THE FOOT’ AS PORTRAYED

IN TEMPLE RELIEFS

By HAROLD H. NELSON

In the upper register on the north wall of the first court in the temple of Ramesses III
at Medinet Habu is a relief (fig. 5 below) showing the king leaving the god’s shrine at
the close of the daily service. ^ The Pharaoh is depicted in the act of ‘Bringing the
Foot’, a rite which is illustrated a number of times in temple and tomb decorations.
The picture includes eight columns of very corrupt liturgical text which, however, are
not concerned directly with the rite in which the king is engaged, but rather with the
episodes of the service immediately preceding and following that act. The six lines
directly to the left of the royal cartouches give the formula uttered as the cult image
was restored to its shrine at the conclusion of the god’s repast. The two columns to
the right of the cartouches contain the words used as the doors were closed and bolted
after the priest had left the sanctuary. Thus this one relief records three acts of the
service which, however, were merely parts of one continuous whole. In this the king
picked up the image, which had been removed from its shrine earlier in the service by
the rite of ‘Laying hands upon the god’, restored it to its naos or tabernacle, turned
and left the pr-wr dragging a bundle of hdn-p\znt behind him, and shut and bolted
the doors when he had ‘gone outside’.

In the reliefs depicting the rite of ‘Bringing the Foot’ there are elements in the
representations that seem to me of some possible importance for the explanation of the
act which have not, as far as I know, been hitherto taken fully into account. There are
at least fifteen temple reliefs surviving which show the rite as part of the temple service.
In addition to these there are a considerable number of scenes of the meal for the dead,
either king or noble, in which a priest performs the same act. I am here concerned
merely with the rite as part of the temple service used in the worship of the god who,
in most instances, is Amun, though presumably any conclusions based on the temple
usage would apply also to the same rite in the ceremonies accompanying the meal for
the dead. The following list gives the dates and locations of the fifteen scenes.

1. Hatshepsut. The ebony shrine from Der el-Bahri (Naville, Deir el Bahari, ii,
pis. 25 and 28).

2. (Fig. i) Hatshepsut. A block from the queen’s red sandstone shrine found in the
foundations of the third pylon at Karnak.

3. Hatshepsut. A similar scene on another block of the same shrine (unpublished).

4. (Fig. 2) Amenophis HI. Luxor Temple (N. KP, pi. 13 F 102).^

5. Amenophis HI. Luxor Temple (unpublished) (N. KP, pi. 23 E 254).

• Medinet Habu (ed. Chicago), iv, pi. 242 d.

^ N. KP is an abbreviation for Nelson, Key Plans shozving Location of Theban Temple Decorations (Oriental
Institute Publications, lvi), Chicago, 1941.

‘BRINGING THE FOOT’ AS PORTRAYED IN TEMPLE RELIEFS 83

6-10. Sethos 1 . Abydus, immediately to the right of the entrance in the chapels of
Isis, Horns, Amun, Ref-Harakhti and Ptah (Calverley, Temple of Sethos I, i,
pis. 17 and 25, and li, pis. 3, 13, and 21).

Fig. I. Hatshepsut. Block from Fig. 2. Amenophis III. Luxor temple,

queen’s red sandstone shrine
(published by permission of M.

Lacau)

Fig. 3. Sethos I. IMortuart' temple Fig. 4. Sethos I . Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak.

at Thebes. All details of the king’s
figure have been erased.

11. (Fig. 3) Sethos 1 . Mortuary Temple in the Theban Necropolis (N. KP, pi.
37, fig. I, 266).

12. (Fig. 4) Sethos 1 . Hypostyle Hall of the Temple of Amun at Karnak (N. KP,
pi. 4 B 313).

13—14. Ramesses 11 . Temple of Derr (Blackman, Temple of Derr, pi. 64).

15. (Fig. 5) Ramesses III. Medinet Habu. {Medinet Habu (ed. Chicago), IV,
pi. 242 d).

84

HAROLD H. NELSON

In his discussion of the act of ‘Bringing the Foot’ Gardiner noted that the A^fw-plant
was sacred to Thoth, ‘Lord of the Hdn.'^ He adds, ‘Obviously it is of this plant that is
made the object which the lector trails behind him, and we shall not go far wrong in

Fig. 5. Ramesses III. Aledinet Habu.

assuming that he thereby impersonates Thoth.’ He points out that the formula used
at Abydus in connexion with this act reads, ‘Thoth comes, he has rescued the eye of
Horus from his enemies, and no enemy, male or female, enters into this sanctuary.’
He continues, ‘Thus the performer of this rite simulates Thoth, the great magician,
and banishes from the shrine or sanctuary of temple or tomb all malign demons that
perchance are lurking there.’ In explanation of the manual act he suggests that the
/i^/«-bundle is a ‘symbol or effigy of the demon’s foot, by which accordingly he would
simply be hauled out of the holy place’. He adds that Griffith has suggested that the
priest was obliterating his own footsteps. ‘Thus the sanctuary would be cleaned up
and purified and so rendered less accessible to evil spirits.’ This latter seems now to
be the usually accepted explanation and appears also in the Berlin Dictionary, i, 91.
Yet in only one of the temple reliefs depicting this rite does the king seem to be doing
what might be termed ‘sweeping’ (fig. 2), as would seem to be necessary w^ere he
obliterating his footprints. In several reliefs the hdn-bundlt does not even touch the
floor (figs. 3, 4, 5, and nos. 13-14), a fact which, however, may be due merely to the
artist’s carelessness in detail, or to the perfunctory manner in which the /ii«-bundle
had come to be used when those reliefs w’ere carved.

’ Davies Gardiner, Tomb of Amenernhet, pp. 94-5.

‘BRINGING THE FOOT’ AS PORTRAYED IN TEAIPLE RELIEFS 85

To the reasons advanced by Gardiner for regarding this rite as part of the terminal
acts of the service may be added the scene from Medinet Habu (fig. 5). There the
manual act is accompanied by texts which clearly belong to the conclusion of the
ceremonies. Moreover, the next scene in the series at that temple shows the king, still
holding the hdn-h\md\e, engaged in the rite of ‘reversion of offerings’,^ which rite
probably followed immediately upon the closing of the shrine doors. Also scenes
nos. 2, 5, and 12 listed above immediately precede reliefs showing the ‘reversion of
offerings’.

Gardiner noted that some of the reliefs depicting the scene under discussion show
the officiant looking behind him as he withdraw's. We should also note that the kin g
always turns his back upon the god and, in some instances, leans forward as he moves
(figs. 3 and 4 and Calverley, op. cit., ir, pi. 13). When the Pharaoh assumes this posture
he does not look behind him, possibly because, had he both looked behind and leaned
forward, he would have found himself in a most awkward, if not impossible, position.
In some scenes, at Abydus and at Derr, he neither leans forward nor looks behind. In
these scenes the figure of the god is absent.

We have here in these reliefs four elements found in no other rite, which seem to
require explanation, i. The king turns his back upon the god. 2. He drags the hdn-
bundle behind him. 3. He sometimes looks behind him as he moves. 4. He some-
times leans forward as he walks. The first of these characteristics may be explained by
the fact that he is moving away from the image, the only occasion in the ceremonies,
as far as I know, in which he does so. An explanation for all these elements, and
especially for 3 and 4, seems to me to be contained in a relief in the chapel of Sethos I
at Abydus.^ There the figure of the king, advancing into the sanctuary, is shown on
the wall to the right of the entrance to that chapel. It is accompanied by the text:

a

•A. I

n'C!'

‘Spell for entering the

first door of the st-zvrt. To be recited: O doorkeepers of this temple, who ward off
all evil ones for king Menma<^req without permitting that they enter behind him into
this temple, their faces backward (as) they recoil, the purity of the Son of Req Seti-
merenptah, is the purity of Horus,’^ etc. It would seem from this passage that evil
spirits or demons might slip into the temple as the king entered and, as the spell was
to be recited when he walked into the st-wrt, they might find their way even into the
ver}' shrine of the god itself. However, the formula assumes that such demons would
recoil or withdraw, and, while so doing, their faces would be turned backward.

IVIuch of the temple service was in the nature of magic, some of it sympathetic magic,
which resulted at times in the officiant impersonating one or other of the deities. In the
text of the liturg\" he passes easily from one role to another so that sometimes he is

’■ Alediiiet Habu, iv, 242 d. - Calverley, Temple of Sethos I at Abydos, ll, pi. 29.

^ It is not apparent just why the doorkeepers, who ard off eril spirits, should be informed by the king that
he is pure as Horus is pure. This statement is generally made by a deiw to the king and not by the king himself.
It is possible that the puritv- of the king was a sort of authority for his unrestrained entrance into the temple
in contrast to the uncleanness of the demons who were not to be permitted to enter.

86

HAROLD H. NELSON

Homs, sometimes Thoth, etc. As Gardiner has suggested, in the scene of ‘Bringing the
Foot’, the officiant seems to be Thoth who ‘has rescued the eye of Horus from his
enemies and no enemy, male or female, enters into this sanctuary’ . But there is nothing
in Egyptian thinking that would prohibit him from confusing two roles, so that while
the king, or the lector priest for him, recited the prescribed formula in his capacity as
Thoth, he might at the same time assume the part of the ejected demon departing with
his back to the god, but with his face turned behind him, or even go still farther and
occasionally lean forward in a cringing posture such as a defeated spirit might be
expected to assume.^ The ejection was apparently achieved by Thoth through the
medium of the A(/«-plant. Thoth was the great magician. Lord of the hdn, which
therefore presumably had magical properties. From such an object the evil spirits
might recoil, just as vampires were supposed to be repulsed by onions or garlic. In
this way the king, or priest, in withdrawing, that is, ‘Bringing the Foot’^ would in his
role as Thoth wield the A^/w-bundle, and at the same time demonstrate its effect by
simulating the demon with his face turned backward, or possibly even by assuming a
cringing attitude as he withdrew from the holy place before the power of the magical
plant. I put forward this suggestion as a tentative explanation which seems to account
for all the unique elements in this scene.

' This attitude is especially apparent in the reliefs of Sethos I at Kamak and ICumah, figs. 3 and 4. Though
it is true that Sethos I is more frequently represented kneeling or bending slightly forward than are other
Pharaohs, still the posture he assumes in these two scenes, especially in fig. 4, seems to call for some specific
explanation.

^ This is the only use of the word rd with the meaning ‘footprints’ that the Dictionary gives. Elsewhere it
seems to be confined to the idea of ‘foot’ or ‘footstep’, not the traces left by the foot. To ‘bring the foot’ would
seem naturally to refer to the actual movement of the foot rather than to ‘obliterating footprints’, which defini-
tion gives to both words unusual, if not unique, meanings.

( 87 )

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78

By A. DE BUCK

A PRINCIPLE advocated on several occasions by the scholar to whom these pages are
dedicated is that any translation of a difficult text is better than none at all, or as he
expressed it in this Journal (32, 56): ‘Scholars should not shrink from translating
difficult texts. At the best they may be lucky enough to hit upon the right renderings.
At the worst they will have given the critics a target to tilt at.’ Therefore an attempt to
translate and analyse an interesting but elusive spell or section (if one prefers that still
more colourless term proposed by Gunn) of the Book of the Dead seemed a suitable
tribute of gratitude to the man who not only formulated this lofty principle, but who
has lived up to it so often. I must confess, looking back on the poor result of my
efforts, that the idea of being a target for a champion shot of the calibre of an Amenophis
II makes my flesh creep. Being in this dangerous position I can only cry for mercy, for
when all is said and done : ut desint ‘vires, tamen est laiidanda voluntas.

The present article is chiefly a study of the earlier text of Book of the Dead 78, of
which the manuscripts will be published in vol. iv, pp. 68 ff., of the Coffin Texts. ^
These manuscripts are the following : B6C, which contains the complete spell; DiC,^
which, as this article will show, offers by far the best text, but which, alas, ends at 817 ;
TiC and B6B0 by chance both ending at 71/; B2B0, ending at 80 j'; and B4C, which
contains the opening sentences only and ends already at 68 e. I have not made an
exhaustive study of the text of the Book of the Dead, although here and there it has
been taken into account, ^ especially in the latter part of the spell where B 6 C is our only
ancient and not too reliable source. The deviations of the later Book of the Dead from
the text of the Coffin Texts are indeed so numerous and also so serious that it does not
seem practicable to study them together with the earlier version. As a matter of fact
the points of difference between the two versions are sometimes so vital that it is
difficult to suppress a feeling of scepticism as to the intelligibility of the BD version,
not so much of its separate sentences, which as a rule are not difficult to translate, but
above all things of the plot and story of the spell as a whole.

It is not here the place, nor is there space available, to discuss the problem of the
Book of the Dead thoroughly, and a few remarks must suffice. It has been suggested
by Gunn that this collection should be studied in itself and that therefore the work of
Sethe and others in their Gottinger Totenbuchstudien was superfluous for the purpose
of translating the Book of the Dead. It is true that in this case, as in other fields of

^ This volume is now ready for the press, and it is hoped that it will be published soon so that comparison
of the present translation with the original texts will be possible. For the sake of convenience the pages and
subdivisions (e.g. 68 b) of this future publication have been used in this article.

^ In case my publication should not yet be out, the text of this manuscript is available for students in the
admirable extra plate 37E of Petrie, Dendereh ( 11 . 625-56), to whieh my fresh collation has added very little.

^ Quoted from Budge’s edition of the papyrus of Nu in his Book of the Dead (1898 edn.), hereafter abbreviated
as BD.

88

A. DE BUCK

research, the synchronic and diachronic views have their own aims, methods, and
rights. It is certainly true that a given phase of a literary and religious development
(e.g. the Book of the Dead) can be studied for its own sake, the result being a trans-
verse, horizontal section of the religious life of that particular period, and this would
show what the people of that time wrote and read and presumably believed and under-
stood. Still, a vertical, longitudinal section is not only intrinsically interesting and a
legitimate subject of research; it may also offer an explanation of many strange and
irrational features in the tradition of a later period. It may be true that much more of
the Book of the Dead is translatable and makes good sense than is now generally
believed; there remains, however, many a crux which to my mind can be explained
only as the result of corruption or confusion and which can be elucidated only with
the help of earlier and more correct texts. I doubt, for instance, to cite but a minor
example, whether the people who used the Book of the Dead attached any sense to the
suspicious phrase (SD 165, 15) which the CT-version shows to be a corrup-

tion of the easy and straightforward phrase

In the case of this spell the mixing up of the different personal pronouns has been a
source of much confusion already in the Coffin Texts, and in the Book of the Dead so
little remains of the original pronouns that the well-arranged plan of the story as told
by the earlier version must needs have suffered (or have been altered) considerably.
To quote only a few examples: no less than four times there occurs in the Book of the
Dead the monotonous refrain ‘The gods of the Dat fear me, their gates beware of me’
{BD 165, 13-14; 166, 8-9; 166, 16-167, 15 7“S). The Coffin Texts use in the

passages corresponding to the first two BD occurrences the ist person (69 e,f) and the
2nd person (you, of you) respectively; to the third passage corresponds 73/ ‘the gods
fear you’, which the BD has harmonized with the other passages, adding the second
phrase and again using the ist person; the fourth passage is also a product of harmo-
nization with the stereotyped standard phrases; the Coffin Text version reads ‘. . . for
the gods of the Dat and the gates beware of you’ (74 e,f). The fifth occurrence of this
phrase in the BD is composed in the 2nd person as in the Coffin Texts: ‘the gods of
the Dat fear you, their gates beware of you’ [BD 168, 14-15), but this full form is
once more influenced by the standard pattern; the corresponding passage of the
Coffin Texts reads (79^) : ‘the gods (so DiC : B6C has ‘the gods of the Daf) fear you’.

Another example of the same striving after uniformity is the following: in BD 165,
12-13 occurs the phrase ‘May you inspire fear of me, may you create awe of me’,
which is identical with 69^, c. But to 74c?, e ‘May he inspire fear of vo?<, mav he create
awe o^ you’ corresponds ‘May he inspire fear of fne, mav he create awe of me’ {BD 167,
6-7) as in the former case.

Surely such a confusion of the personal pronouns must have caused a concomitant
confusion in the distribution of the speeches among the various dramatis personae and
cannot have contributed to the clearness of the story. Is it not legitimate to suspect
that the contents of the spell were already enigmatic and obscure to the writers and
readers of the Book of the Dead? Or is this doubt simply the outcome of an old-
fashioned predilection for the diachronic method ? Be this as it may, the present article

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78 89

is mainly concerned with the recension of the Coffin Texts, leaving to the future the
task of explaining the BD spell as it stands, and of elucidating the new interpretation
which the later editor may have had in his mind.

As has already been stated, the type of corruption {sit venia verbo, if this term is too
strong) of which a few examples were given above is not of late date. Already in the
manuscripts of the Coffin Texts this process is in full swing. The principal cause of
this kind of mistake is the replacing of the personal pronouns (chiefly those of the
1st person) referring to the deceased by the name of him or her for whom the manu-
script was destined. Apparently this work was often carried out quite mechanically,
so that the word-order no longer agrees with the rules of Egyptian syntax, e.g. 85 i
(B6C) srh-n N. pn Hr m bs-f^ is substituted for an original srh-n zvi Hr m Z»y/(DiC).
Although in our manuscripts the substitution was as a rule effected with sufficient care,
ungrammatical word-order has been noted, apart from 85 / quoted above, also in 73/ :
hib N. pn n-k\ 86 u ; bik n N. pn ntrw.

Firstly the writing out of a suffix of the ist person in the copy of an archetype in
which this suffix was not expressed in writing may lead to a certain number of mistakes.
Traces of the fact that the archetypes of our manuscripts did not write this suffix are
numerous, e.g. 73/(DiC) for hib-i', 77^ (DiC) ^ for iti-i ; 78a (B 2B0) )-=» for

ir i- 78/(B6C) for di-i: 80c (B6C) for sdt-n n-i; 8o/(DiC, B6C) (var.
for hr-n-i (var. hrd ) ; 84 i (B 6 C) for di-i : 84 31*7^ for tp-cwy-i.

A good example of the corruptions which a careless or ill-advised scribe can cause
by introducing an indication of the suffix of the ist person into a manuscript without
it and putting it in the wrong place is to be found in 78^, where the otherwise very
reliable DiC reads ; here the correct text is doubtless that of the other

manuscripts : whm-n n-i Hr. The reading of DiC is, of course, an erroneous copy of an
archetype showing Though in this case DiC for once is wrong, a careful

study of the manuscripts has convinced me of the general superiority of DiC in this
and other respects. The suffixes of DiC are nearly always a safe guide through the
labyrinth of this spell, and as soon as DiC fails the degree of certainty in our interpreta-
tion falls considerably. The total lack of DiC in the latter part of the spell is a very
serious difficulty.

Still more serious is the confusion caused bv the mechanical substitution of xV. pn
for suffixes which do not refer to the dead man at all, but to some other character in
the play. This type of mistake is well exemplified by the beginning of our spell {b%b-
job), where some manuscripts (B6C, B6B0, B4C) wrongly change the ist person,
there referring to Osiris, into xV. pn. Later on this -V. pn again replaces the ist person
where Horus is speaking (71 b-d ; 72// ; 73 c,/; ~ya, c). Nor does -V. pn replace only the
1st person; it replaces also the suffix of the 2nd person {-k) referring to Osiris (73 «
[B6C] : 74^/-/[B6C]) or to another personage (77c [B6C]). Elsewhere it takes the place
of the suffix of the 3rd person (•/) referring to Osiris (820), Horus (86 u, z ) or the

’ It is instructive to reflect upon the disastrous results which a second copyist would brine about if he
thoughtlessly changed this text again to the ist person in the form s'h n i Hr m bi-f, thus turning subject into
object and vice versa.

A. DE BUCK

90

messenger (83^2-0; 84 a, c, e,f). It follows that we cannot reconstruct the original text
simply by changing N. pn into a pronoun of the ist person; the corruption may be
deeper rooted and the confusion more intricate than that.

The problem of the personal pronouns has been discussed here at some length,
because in this spell the interpretation depends to a large extent on their correctness.
Fortunately, as has been stated above, we have in DiC a manuscript which is in this
respect fairly reliable, and taking the pronouns used in it as a guide we can unravel
many of its intricacies and assign the various parts of the spell, which chiefly consists
of speeches, to the proper persons. In this analysis of the text the frequent literal
repetitions of the same sentences and phrases, which differ only as regards the pro-
nouns, are very helpful. The following brief survey of the spell will show how this
criterion works.

As is shown by 69^ {‘^y harm’), job (‘my weariness’), 68 e (Busiris is apparently
the place where my house is situated), the person speaking in GSh-job is Osiris, who
asks Horus (686) to render him certain services. After an interruption by the gods,
Horus (cf. Jic [TiC], ‘my father Osiris’) answers. Various phrases are a counterpart
of Osiris’ words (see 73 u ‘your harm’: 736 ‘your weariness’). It is therefore highly
probable that 71 e,/, mentioning the form and the ba, correspond to 68/, 6 ga; the
ds-k in 7ie marks a certain contrast with the demand of 68/ (‘may you see my form’).
As these sentences thus seem to contain the real gist of the answer of Horus,

it is deplorable that they are rather obscure (71/) and ambiguous in meaning (71 e).
Somehow their meaning must be that Osiris himself can take care of his ba and procure
himself the privileges enumerated in jza, b. At any rate, though it seems to be nowhere
expressed in clear words, Horus must practically have declined to come to Osiris and
fulfil his wishes, for in 73/ he is talking about sending somebody else. One who is in
the Radiance or a Spirit {akh) who is in the Radiance, whom Horus will make his
exact replica (74a), and whom he invests with his ba (746). He shall do the very things
which Osiris demanded, i.e. come to Busiris (746), inspire fear of him, &c. (7426-/).
Thus the third personage enters the stage to remain there till the end. He is a kind
of messenger or mediator between Horus and Osiris, invested with Horus’ ba: i.e. to
all intents and purposes he is the ba of Horus, and his office of mediator between this
world of the living and the Dat fits in perfectly with the character of the ba, who goes
out on earth in the sunlight and rests upon the dead body in the tomb, and whom
we see in a well-known vignette flying down the tomb-shaft to visit the mummy. It
might be an illustration of what happens in our spell, where the mediator goes to the
dead Osiris, and tells (or brings) him the affairs or the condition of Horus (74c), a
phrase which occurs several times in the rest of the spell.

This mediator now speaks in his turn and various phrases which occurred in the
speech of Horus in the 3rd person turn up again, but now in the ist person. He says,
e.g. ‘I am one who is in the Radiance’ (74^; 75a) and here he inserts an elaborate
description of himself (74^-76^). ‘Horus has invested me with his ba (762; 81 A; 826;
852); ‘I am he who is in his (Horus’) form’ (82/2); ‘I am high in the form of Horus’
(806) ; and well in keeping with this statement, ‘I have made my appearance as a divine

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78 91

falcon’ (76/;); T am a falcon in the Radiance’ (82 Z»). He is to do what Osiris asked
Horns to do in the opening words of the spell: ‘I go forth to Busiris’ (82/; 850): T go
all over his house’ (850): T inspire the fear of him and I create the awe of him’ (820):
T take his (Horns’) affairs or condition to Osiris, to the Daf (78a); . in order to

take his condition to Osiris, to the Daf (77a): T tell him the condition of this his son’
(85P); T come with the word of Horns to Osiris’ (840; however, see p. 96, n. 12).

Nevertheless, things are not as easy as thev look in this bird’s-eye view. There are
always obstacles and demons or gods asking difficult questions or making objections
on the roads to the Egyptian other world. So this mediator has to tell a story about a
hindrance he had to overcome; it is the intervention of Rwty, which begins in
‘Rwty said to me’, etc. Rzvty admits that the traveller is equipped with the form of
Horus (yjd), but then goes on to say that he lacks the nenies-cvown {yje), which is
apparently all-important for him, if he wishes to reach his aim. y 8 a-c contain the
answer of the detained traveller, who states his business (jSa) and adds that Horus
has repeated to him the words of Osiris on a certain occasion (ySb, d)', evidently these
words are meant to act as a pass- word, which should compel Rwty to let him pass.
However, the incredulous Rzoty is not so easily silenced and makes a new objection:
he is not willing to give the nemes-crown, unless the mediator proves the truth of his
assertion. He says: ‘(If that is true), repeat then to me those words of Osiris’ (78^);'
then I will give you the nemes-cxown (78 e)^ and the gods (of the Dat) shall fear you’

(79 b ).

After this we expect again an answer from the traveller, the more so since in y()g, h
Rwty gives in: ‘Take out for him the nemes-cxown. So said Rzvty.' This seems to imply
that between 796 and 79^ the messenger has proved that he possesses the knowledge
he boasted of. If so, 79 e must contain the words of Osiris and this god must be meant
by the deity mentioned in 79/ as ‘He who is high on his dbi, who dwells in holiness’,
the latter phrase being an excellent epithet for Osiris. The content of 796 seems to
suit this supposition well, saying, as it does, that he (the traveller) has been initiated in
the word of the gods, an utterance eminently suitable to serve as a pass-word.

Accordingly, the results are satisfactory, the nemes-cxo\\x\ is given to him (79^), a
fact which he carefully mentions (79 c) when he addresses another demon with the
command to let him pass (80 u). Later on he is talking to other gods (83 i, etc.) and quotes
a command of Horus (83 1 ) which may extend to 84/, for in 84^ we find a fresh introduc-
tion: ‘I say’, the contents of this speech being a eulogy of Horus (84A-/). Now the
gods of the Dat allow him to pass by (84 r«), and he then addresses a plurality of gods,
presumably the warders of the House of Osiris, to whom he tells his errand (840-86^).
The rest of the spell (86 c-zv) consists of a speech of the messenger to Osiris himself,
a hymn in praise of Osiris ( 86 c~k) and of Horus (86 l-w). Perhaps the latter, telling
that Horus is now on the throne of Osiris and rules Egypt, is the true content of the

' In B 6 C and BD the point of this passage is totally lost in consequence of the omission of 78 d, e which is
due to homoeoteleuton,

^ These words show that the gist of Rwty’s objection must have been that the mediator was not in the
possession of a nemes-crown.

92 A. DE BUCK

‘affairs’ or the ‘condition’ of Horns, which the mediator so often promised to say or
to take to Osiris, to the Dat.

Translation

(68 a) Changing into a divine falcond
[Speech of Osiris.]

(68 b) O Homs, come to Busiris,^ (c) and clear my ways for me^ (e) and go all over my house, ^
(/) that you may see my form, (69 a) that you may extol my ba. (b) May you inspire fear of me, (c)
may you create^ awe of me,s (e) that the gods of the Dat may fear me, (/) that the® gates may beware
of me.’ ( g) Let not him who has done me harm* approach me, (70 a) so that he sees me in the House
of Darkness,® (b) and uncovers my weariness which is hidden from him.'®

[Interruption by the gods.]

(70c) ‘Do thus’,” say the gods, (d) who hear the voice of those who go” in the suite of Osiris.
[Speech of Hortisi]

(70 e) Be silent, O gods. (71 a) Let a god speakwitha god.” {b) Let him hear the tme message which
I shall say to him.” (c) Speak to me,” Osiris, {d) and grant that that which has come forth from your

’ This title was derived from passages like 76/2; 826, h, i; 83 «.

^ A similar beginning is that of Coffin Texts spell 303: ‘O falcon {bik), come to Busiris and go all over my
house, says Osiris (!] 1 that you may see. . .

3 So B 6 Bo, B 4 C, and BD. Perhaps this commonplace expression (dsr zen) is secondary and the readings of
the other manuscripts (B6C dsr-k-, TiC dsr-k hr-i; DiC dsr k n-i) may be preferable. Their translation is,
however, doubtful.

* only TiC reads kmz as BD.

5 TiC adds: ‘(d) encircle (phr) me, see me.’

® BD : ‘their gates’ ; the earlier texts always read crnet without the suffix.

’ Besides the well-known imperative cfu tw r and hr, see the inscription of Amenhotpe son of Hapu (Cairo
583), 1. 9, where ’’hz szu hr hrtf nbt occurs in parallelism with sfk szv hr hrt twt{ic)f ‘who is on his guard with
regard to all his needs and is careful with regard to the needs of his statues’.

* Of course Seth is meant.

^ DiC is illegible, TiC reads m hry kkzv ‘as one who is under darkness’. The curious reading
of BD, which has already been mentioned, occurs in all the manuscripts of the Book of the Dead, showing
that they all derive from one archetype.

” The weariness (death) of Osiris is (or should be) hidden from Seth (r-/), unless rf is the particle which can
be placed after Old Perfectives, participles and adjectives, see Sethe’s note on Pyr. 305 a; other examples, e.g.
Westcar 7, 13 {gnh rf), Urk. l, 125, 16 (sm rf). The idea that Osiris’ death or wounds should be hidden occurs
often. In a text which is written on the mummy-mask, it is said that this mask was given to Osiris by Re' in
order to hide (ssti) what was done against him, to keep secret ( ? dr) the blow which Seth dealt against him
(cf. IM36C, 2-3 = Ann. Serv. 11, 37 (with many mistakes) : similarly, TiBe, 17-18 = Lepsius, Alteste Texte,
pi. 5 ; CT 1, 141 g) ; to the initiated Osiris’ weariness is uncovered and (142 a) he may see his blows ; but elsewhere
it is said of the enemy that (ibid. 155 d-f) he has betrayed (?) Osiris’ weariness to Seth and has talked about his
hidden blows. The reading of DiC must be a mistake for rf, cf. 736 (DiC) imn rf.

” Imperative or passive, ‘let there be done accordingly’.

In DiC, (d) begins with shm, the rest is lacuna. It is doubtful whether hrz!: hppiv is a genitive, hppzv might
be a second epithet of the gods, ‘who hear the voice and go’, etc., but hrvi without a following genitive does
not make good sense.

” I.e. ‘do not interrupt our conversation’. Or: ‘because a god speaks with a god’. In difficult texts where
the context is not clear, it is extremely awkward that the Egx'ptians do not as a rule supply us with the logical
connexion of their sentences. For the phrase, cf. BD 244, lo-i i ; ‘Be silent, Ennead, the hnnimt speak with N.’

” Probably the prospective relative form dd't-i.

” DiC rndzc n-i Ili/V; the other manuscripts mdzc n-i ir-k: for the word-order cf. 78 d. The meaning seems
to be ‘speak to me again.’

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78 93

mouth concerning me turns round.^ [e) See your own form,^ (/) form^ your ba, (72 a) and cause him to
go forth and to have power over his legs (b) that he may stride and copulate among menj-^ (c) and you
shall be there^ as Lord of the Universe, (d) The gods of the Dat fear you, (e) the gates beware of
you. (/) You^ move along with those who move along, (g) (while) I remain on your mound like the
Lord of Life .7 (k) I ally myself with the divine Isis,* (73 a) I rejoice^ on account of him who has
done you harm, (b) May he not come so that he sees your weariness which is hidden from him.^o

(c) I shall go and come to the confines of heaven, (d) that I may ask the word from Geb, (e) that
I may demand the Command” from the Lord of the Universe. (/) Then the gods shall fear you,i2
(the gods) who shall see that I send to you one of those who dwell in the Radiance . '3 (74 a) I have
made his form as my form, his gait as my gait, (b) that he may go and come'+ to Busiris, being invested
with my ba, (c) that he may tell you my alTairs.'s He shall inspire fear of you, (e) he shall create
awe of you in the gods of the Dat, (/) and the gates'® shall beware of you.

[Speech of the messenger or mediator.^

{g) Indeed, I am one who dwells in the Radiance, (h) I am a [Spirit who came into being and was
created out of the body of the god, (75 a) I am one of these gods or Spirits who dwell in the Radi-
ance],'’ {b) whom Atum created from his flesh,'* (c) who came into being from the root'® of his eye,

(d) whom Atum created and whom he made spirits, (e) whose faces he created,-® (/) in order that

' Di-k zcdb prt m r-k r-i, a difficult phrase. In CT I, 346; 3856 it is said of a god that he does not turn
himself back upon what he has said, and BD 173, 8-9 mentions a god who does not turn (change) what Hzu
has told him. Does Horns wish here that Osiris should do this, change his mind and release him from the
duty to come to Busiris, which Horus for some reason cannot or will not do ?

* This sounds like an implicit refusal of the demand in 68 /; 69 a. Here and in other passages of our text ‘see’
may have the not uncommon pregnant meaning ‘see with respect or love’ (in parallelism with verbs like diet,
SmSySnd)-, ‘look after’, e.g. Ptahhotep, 334: ‘See her (your wife), then you will make her stay in your house.’

3 Very doubtful, cf. M22 C, 74 (unpubl.) : irr hpne, P ‘who makes transformations and forms a ba’.

Where the determinative is the ship, the meaning may be: ‘send out your ba’, see Wb. iv, 309, 7.

B 6 C has a different reading (due to corruption of nk ‘copulate’?): ‘May your seed go for you in (or as)
him among men.’ For the notion cf CT ii, 67 ff. : ‘I am the great ba of Osiris, by means of whom (or as whom)
the gods have commanded him to copulate, who lives by striding (1/ : so also the S. manuscripts as in our text)
by day’ ; and BD 17 (section 7) ‘he is the ba of Re< by means of whom (or as whom) he copulates.’ (b) is missing
in BD, a case of prudery? 'D occurs also CT i, 866 as a variant of sdf.

3 I.e. in the Dat: the word is missing in DiC.

® B2B0 reads ‘I’. I do not grasp the meaning of this sentence.

’ ’In as written in B 2 Bo; in DiC the determinative and in B6 C the whole word is lost. BD reads in ‘stan-
dard’. ‘Lord of Life’ occurs (CT i, 255 a) as a name of Horus.

^ Cf. CT I, 155 c: ‘he (the enemy) has allied himself with Seth.’

® Doubtful; read %vith B6C and DiC (where, however, the s of sd; is missing, but see Wb. v, 514, 11) sd-i hr
niri nkn-k (B 6 C wrongly nkn n(y) N. pn). B 2 Bo may be corrected to sd-’ys n(-i) hrn Iri nkn-k ‘she rejoices me (?)’,
etc. BD reads thus, but with an unknown verb jl etc. See above, p. 92, n. 10.

” Hrr; cf. perhaps 86 r. ‘The word’ in (d) may have a similar pregnant meaning.

So only DiC: B6C and B2B0 read ‘the gods of the Dat fear me’.

” So DiC; B6C and B2 Bo read ‘one of these Spirits who dwell in the Radiance’. For Uhzc cf. Sethe’s note
on Pyr. 304c: the notion ought to be studied properly. B6C changes the meaning of the sentence thoroughly,
reading ‘that you send to me’, etc. ”660 reads ‘come forth, go and come’.

'3 B6C reads ‘that you mat" tell him’. DiC’s reading is certainly the right one, see 77a; 78a; 85/1; 840.

B6C adds ‘of the Dat’ .

” The passage in square brackets is missing in DiC, an omission due to homoeoteleuton (B 2 Bo has a still
longer omission 74U-75 a, also due to iihzL' in 73/). The passage is necessaiy, for it contains the plural substan-
tive to which hprzt: (75 r), hrivsn (75 e), etc., refer.

'3 B 2 Bo m hff ‘his body’, which BD interprets as ds f.

v* Wb. I, 250, II. One of the references is to the monologue by the Creator in P. Bremner-Rhind, 29, 3-4,
but the context is utterly obscure.

So DiC; B2B0, ‘whose faces he distinguished’; B6C reads both ts and tni.

A. DE BUCK

94

they might be with him,' while he was alone in Nu, (g) who announced- him when he came^ forth
from the akhet, (h) who inspired- fear of him in the gods and spirits, the Powers and Shapes.^
(76 a) I am one of these serpents (i) whom the Sole Lord made,+ (c) before Isis came into being that
she might give birth^ to Horus. (d) My magical protection^ has been made strong, (e) my magical
protection* has been made young and vigorous. (/) I am distinguished above the (other) beings
who dwell in the Radiance, (g) the spirits who came into being along with me. (h) I have made my
appearance as a divine falcon, (i) Horus has invested me with his ba (77 a) in order that I might take
his affairs^ to Osiris, to the Dat.

[Rwty makes objections.^

(b) Rzcty who is in his cavern,® the warder of the House of the nemes-crown, said to me : (c) How
can you reach the confines of heaven? {d) (To be sure) you are equipped with the form of Horus,
(e) but you do not possess the nemes-crown.'^ (f) Do you speak on the confines of heaven?'®

[The messenger ansucersil

(78 a) I am indeed he who takes" the affairs of Horus to Osiris, to the Tat. (b) Horus has repeated
to me what his father Osiris said to him (c) in the on the day '3 of burial.

[New objection by Rwty.]

{d) Repeat to me what Horus has said to you as the word of his father Osiris'^ (e) in the snt on the
day '3 of burial. (/) (Then) I shall give you the nemes-crown, {g) — so said Rwty to me — [h) that you
may go and come on the roads of heaven. (79 a) (Then) those who dwell in the akhet^= shall see'* you,
(6) and the gods of the Dat^^ shall fear you.'®

[The envoy proves the truth of his assertion.]

(e) You may jubilate concerning him he has been initiated in the word“ of these gods, the Lords

' So B6C and B2B0; DiC reads hn'’, which is either the adverb or a mistake.

^ Or possibly ‘announce’, ‘comes’, ‘inspire’.

' B2B0: ‘the powers who came forth from him’; B6C; '’n/nc, a corruption of shmic.

B6C ‘whom he created from his eye’: B2B0 ‘whom the eye of the Sole Lord created’. Many aboriginal
gods were conceived as serpents, see e.g. Sethe, Amiin u.d. acht UrgOtter, Index, s.v. ‘Schlangen’.

= .Ml Coffin Texts msi-s: BD has msit ‘who gave birth’. * So DiC; B6C and B2B0 simply ‘I’.

' Hrt being a word of \'ery vague meaning, it is not easy to determine the exact value of this expression.
It occurs also CT i, 399c: ‘it (my ba) has taken my affair to him from whom I came forth.’

* This personage occurs also CT i, 3686, etc., in connexion with the nemes-crown.

’ The translation follows the text of B 6 C and B2B0 : D 1 C reads ‘May you give me the nemes-crown which
belongs to you’ : the meaning must be ‘you cannot do that, because you have not got it’.

Meaning ‘and how then would it be possible for you to speak’, etc.

" ’Ink (i)r-i hi; for the construction cf. CT 1, 171c, ink h i tpysn t! ‘I am indeed their surviving relation’,
Pyr. i742(f. .V. piv ir (substitute for ink tV[d]) s) Itm ‘I am indeed the son of Atum’.

Probably some locality.

" So DiC; B 6 C and B 2 Bo have ‘days’.

‘Osiris’ is missing in D i C. In B 6 C and BD the passage was spoiled by the omission, due to homoeoteleuton,
of (d) and (e).

'5 B6C irnyiL' dit; DiC (and BD) imyzc drze sht with identical meaning. See above, p. 93, n. 2.

*■ DiC reads simply ‘the gods’.

(c) and (d) occur only in B6C and are apparently a misplaced phrase.

DiC i B6C and B2B0 if i and /k are the interjection, fr/ must be a name; this, however,

is improbable, since in none of the texts is it followed by a determinative. Nor is it clear who this trf could be.
But it is perhaps not fair to press this point in a text which offers so many puzzles. Therefore I propose with
all due diffidence to take ] ^ and ^ as verbs: if this is right must, of course, refer to Isis. That on the
day of his burial Osiris might have spoken to her the following words about their son is, indeed, not an impossible
idea. :j^=(DiC), if correct, would mean ‘you may speak concerning him’.

So DiC; the other texts seem to insert ‘and he knows’ ; they are, however, less clear than DiC and probably
corrupt.

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78 95

of the Universe, who are at the side of the Sole Lord. (/) So said he who is high on his dbf, who
dwells in holiness,' concerning me.^

[Rwty is satisfiedi]

(g) Take out^ the tiemes-crown for him. (h) So said Rzcty concerning me.

[The envoy, now in the possession of a nemt^-crown, continues his journey i]

(80 a) O Heret,-* clear my way for me. (b) I am high in the form of Homs, (c) and Ru'ty^ has taken
out for me the nemes-crownP (d) He has given me my wings, (e) He has established^ my heart on
his great standard.^ (/) I do not fall on account of^ Sw. (g) I am he who pacifies himself with his own
beauty,'° the Lord of the two mighty uraei. (81 a) I am he who knows the roads of Nut," (b) the winds
are my magical protection, (c) The raging bull shall not'- drive me back, [d) I go to the place wLere
dwells he who sleeps, being helpless,'^ who is in the Field of Eternity, (e) who w'as conducted'^ to the
painful western darkness, (/) (even) Osiris.'^ I come today from the House of Rwty, {g) I have
come forth from it to the House of Isis,'* (Ji) to the secret mysteries,'^ (i) I have been conducted to her'*
hidden secrets, (j) for she caused me to see the birth of the great god. {k) Homs has invested me
with his (/) in order that^" I might say what is there, (82 a) in order that I might say . . .-' which
shall drive back the fearful attack, {b) I am the falcon who dwells in the Radiance, (c) who has power
over his light and his fillet, [d) I go and come to the confines of heaven. . . (e) There is none

who thwarts me (/)... Homs to the confines of heaven, (g) Homs is upon-^ his seats and his thrones.

' ‘He who dwells in holiness’ is a suitable name for Osiris, who must be meant here. As to ‘he who is high
on {or on account of) his dbij — this is probably the right reading, as BD shows — there are various words
db) which may be intended, see Tl^b. v, 560.

^ ‘Concerning me’ is missing in DiC, probably erroneously.

5 Probably imperative; in DiC is a case of dittography. Since none of the manuscripts shows a suffix,

it is probably wrong to interpret Id as sd-t ‘I take out’, in spite of 80 c, 830. There is, however, practically no
difference between ‘he took out’ and ‘he commanded to take out’.

So DiC, writing the word as if it meant ‘the contented one’. The other manuscripts are not clear.

5 DiC wrongly omits Bzvty. ^ DiC adds ‘of Horns’.

7 Reading smn-nf ib-i with BD\ in DiC and B6C the words are lost in a lacuna. B2B0 has smn n-i ‘my
heart was established’.

® B 2 Bo adds ‘with his great might’ ; this is the version followed by BD.

9 Or ‘on Stv ’ ; the meaning is obscure to me.

iMj' translation assumes that the suffixes refer to the subject of the sentence. The sentence is obscure and
admits of different interpretations. ” So DiC: B6C (and BD) have Nic.

So DiC if stand for nn\ if not, translate ‘has not driven’. B6C (and BD) have ‘does not drive’. The
uncertainty of the time-distinctions is a source of much trouble for the translator of this kind of texts, where
the situation is not clear.

" Very doubtful. Both DiC and B 6 C read /tt-/, where one expects the Old Perfective (so BZ)). Can ‘being
without a ship’ here mean ‘helpless’ ? Surely Osiris must be meant.

Reading ssm with DiC; however, the rest of (e) is not clear in this manuscript.

'5 It is tempting — as I did in my publication — to take ‘Osiris’ as vocative with wFat follows, but at this
moment the messenger has not yet reached Osiris; he addresses Osiris only much later in 86 d. To join ‘Osiris’
as genitive with imntyzi', ‘west(em) of Osiris’ does not seem to make good sense. In any case the translation of
(e) is extremely doubtful.

In DiC ‘Isis’ is certain; BD, ‘the House of the divine Isis’; B6C, ‘Osiris’. That ‘Isis’ is the right reading
is shown by the suffixes in (i) and (j). B6C is consistent in omitting the suffix in (j).

'7 B6C (and BD), ‘I have seen the secret mysteries’.

The suffix (DiC) is missing in BD: (i) was skipped in B6C.

Emend; sr/t-n szc (for zcz) {Hr m}b!-f; so BD. For the rest of the spell B6C is our only early manuscript.

B 6 C (j -=■ , cf. the same spelling in 77 a. It seems impossible to take (/) and (82 a) as conditional clauses.

Reading and meaning are equally obscure.

After pt B 6 C reads perhaps ‘Lord of the Lmiverse’. This phrase and also (e), (/) are missing in BD.

Insert {hr) with BD.

A. DE BUCK

96

{h) I am he who is in his (Homs’) form, (i) My arms’ are those of a divine falcon, (j) I am one
who has acquired his lord.^ {k) Homs has invested me with his ha. (/) I come forth to Busiris,
(m) that I may see Osiris, (w) I land at the House of the great ‘ Lander’. ^ (0) I inspire the fear of
him and I create the awe of him^ in the gods. (/>) I belong to the great shrine, (83 a) (I) the holy one
of Iri-hmitt,^ in front of whom one walks to and fro.® {b) (Therefore) Nut shall walk to and fro
when she sees me. (c) The hostile gods have seen that she incites'’ Imy-hnt-irty (d) against those
who shall stretch forth their arms against me. (e) The Powerful One stands up against Akeru.
(/) The holy roads are opened for me {g) when they see my form (h) and hear what I shall say ;®

(i) Down upon your faces, O ye gods of the Dat, who are h/fw^ of faces, outstretched of necks,

(j) who make secret the face of Hm-wrt. (k) Clear the road oi’Iri-htmtP towards’® the awesome 6a.”
(/) Homs has commanded :

\The messenger quotes the command of Horus.^

(m) Lift up your faces and look at him.’^ («) He has made his appearance as a divine falcon,
(o) Rwty has taken out the nemes-crown for him, (84 a) He has come with the word of Homs to
Osiris, (b) The Grey-haired Ones have. . . .’^ (c) He has united himself with the Powers, (d) Get out
of the way, ye warders of your gates, for him in front of me (e) clear the way for him. (/) Let him
pass by, O ye who dwell in your caverns, warders of the House of Osiris.

[The messenger continues his own speech.]

(g) I say: (h) How mighty is Homs! (i) I cause them to know that the terror of him is great,
and that his hom is sharp against Seth.’® (f) (I cause them) to know’® that Homs has taken

(k) that he has acquired the might of Atum. (f) I have followed Homs, the Lord of All.

[The gods give the messenger permission to pass by.]

(m) Pass by in peace — so say the gods of the Dat to me. (w) The warders of their caverns, the
warders of the House of Osiris. . . .’*

’ The reading is doubtful. BD reads 'My face is (that of) a divine falcon, my strength is (that of) a divine
falcon’.

- I.e. the position of his lord; cf. for this meaning of rpr, e.g. 846; Devaud, Ptahhotep, 56: CT i, 86c (and
parallel passages); Cairo stela 51733: ih mnh rpr rhu-f, Griffith, Kahtin, pi. 29, 40; Siiit, pi. 6, 263; Louvre
C 14, 7. There are, however, various possibilities; ‘the equipped one of his lord’.?; ‘who equips his lord.?’

’ Reading and translation of («) rather uncertain; I have inserted a preposition. The great ‘Lander’ is, of
course, a suitable name for Osiris; the text gives a masculine substantive (and not e.g. the mnit icrt of the Pyr.
te.xts), which, moreov'er, is confirmed by the pronouns in (o). •

* B 6 C is an erroneous copy from an archetype which wrote these sentences in a split column.

’ See also 83 k, ^ ^ misplaced element of a possible orthography | ^ ? Cf.

85 d, where is missing.

^ Wmrn must have a more special meaning ‘to do obeisance (?)’ or the like.

' ( 2 =’ unknown to Wb -, it occurs also elsewhere in the Coffin Texts, but in obscure contexts.

* See above, p. 92, n. 14. ^ An unknown word; BD reads hsfzi’ ‘repelling’. Insert {hr) with BD

” Emend perhaps with BD ‘the lord of the ba, great of awe’, as in 85 h\ 86 c.

■ ’ This translation assumes that .V. pn is here a substitute for ■/, not for -i. The other possibility is to interpret
(/) as ‘Horus has commanded it’ and to continue in the ist person; ‘look at me’, etc. But see n. 14 below.

” Sd: I do not understand this sentence. BD reads ' -A skmyzc.

B 6 C BD j ^ '''' ; B 6 C preserves many traces of an earlier stage, when the suffix of the ist person

was not written. It is easier, perhaps, to suggest that the scribe overlooked an isolated ist person in a passage
(83 iw-Sq/) where he changed ■/ into Ah pn, than that in changing evervAihere ist persons into Ah pfi he forgot
only this case. If so, this state of affairs would favour my view of this passage. At any rate, it is clear that the
authority of Horus is the chief instrument on which the envoy relies for his admission. Hence the following
eulogy and the statement of 84/.

Or; ‘sharper than that of Seth’. BD reads ‘horns’.

BD i — rh'sn. See 86s.

tni'sn ; BD has tni-sn r sn.

97

THE EARLIEST VERSION OF BOOK OF THE DEAD 78

[The messenger addresses the gods.l

(o) See, I cornel to you being a spirit and equipped.^ (85 a) The warders of the gates walk for me,
{h) the Powers clear the roads for me. (c) I have fetched the Grey Ones whom Nenet has defied. ^
{d) The great ones who dwell in the akhet fear me, the warders of hmstt in the sky, {e) who guard the
roads. (/) I establish the gates for the Lord of All (g) I have cleared the roads towards him. (h) I
have done what was commanded, (f) Homs has invested me with his ba. (j) Let my ... 4 be given.
(k) I desire triumph over my enemies.s (/) j\Iay the mysteries be uncovered for me, (m) may the
secret caverns be opened to me, (w) may I enter into the Lord of the ba, great of awe, (0) may I
come forth to Busiris and go all over his house, {p) may I tell him the affairs of his son, whom he
loves, {q) while the heart of Seth is broken.® (86 a) Alay I see the Lord of weariness, who is limitless,
{b) that he may know how Homs regulated the affairs of the gods without him .7
[The messenger attains his aim and addresses Osirisi\

(c) Lord of the ba, great of awe, (d) see, I have come, (e) the Dat has been opened for me :
(J) The roads in heaven and earth have been opened for me, (g) there was none who thwarted me.

(A )9 Be high upon your seat, O Osiris ; {i) may your breast live and may your buttocks be vigorous.*®
(J) Let your heart jubilate, [k) for you triumph over** Seth. (/) Your son Homs has been placed
upon your throne, (m) Myriads have been assigned to him. (n) The gods have brought him obla-
tions. (o) The heart of Geb, who is older than the great ones, rejoices, (p) The sky is strong and
Nut jubilates (q) when she sees what Atum has done, (r) whilst he sat among the two Enneads,
(s) and gave who is upon his mouth to Homs, the son of Isis, (t) He has become mler over
Egypt, (u) The gods work for him. (?;) He has nurtured myriads, (rv) and he has brought up myriads
by means of the Sole Eye, the Mistress of the Enneads, the Mistress of the Universe.

* Insert (li-kzvi) with BD.

^ Cf. the expression sh cpr, Pyr. Urk. i, 79, 122, 143, etc.

* I do not understand (c).

4 Ssnu}

5 Or; ‘he (Horus) desires triumph over his enemies.’ B6C has here not N. pn but •/.

® Isp ; in connexion with ib it occurs also BD 9 (a spell consisting mainly of phrases derived from our spell)
and SiC 273 (in parallelism with hzvr-lb). It is doubtless the word which IVb gives mb i, 129, 6; 132, 13.

7 Cf. Sinuhe B44; BD reads ‘without him, his father Osiris’, with an apposition as in the Sinuhe passage.
If we here take (c) as an apposition, the lack of a vocative in the following passage is awkward.

* BD inserts [j^.

* Of the rest of the spell BD gives an enlarged version with many digressions.

A similar passage in BD, spell 69 (153, 8).

** see, for example, CT I, i54g: 161^; 163a; 169^; 309a.

See 84 j.

O

( 98 )

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CEREMONY HWT
BHSW IN THE TEMPLE OF HORUS AT EDFU*

By A. M. BLACKMAN AND H. W. FAIRMAN

Shortly after we had decided to write this article on the ceremony hzvt bhszv as
depicted and explained in the Edfu temple reliefs, Blackman was informed by Dr. Seele
of the Oriental Institute of Chicago that Dr. R. A. Parker, their Field Director at
Luxor, had taken a photograph of a very important representation of the ceremony in
question, occurring on the great Portal of Ptolemy Euergetes I which stands before the
Temple of Khons at Karnak. Through Dr. Seele’s and Dr. Parker’s kind offices we
not only received a copy of the photograph but permission to make full use of it and,
if we wished, reproduce it. Needless to say, we have taken full advantage of this kin d
offer, for not only does the photograph admirably illustrate the ceremony with which
we are concerned — the figures in the relief and their accessories are typical — ^but the
texts are most illuminating and their incorporation in our article has greatly added to
its value. We feel greatly indebted both to the Director of the Oriental Institute and to
Dr. Seele and Dr. Parker for the valuable service they have rendered us, and we tender
them our sincere thanks.

Note that Chassinat’s Le Temple d’Edfou, Le Temple de Dendara, and Mammisi
d'Edfou, are in this article referred to respectively as E., D., and M.

To make reference to them easy the texts with which we are concerned (see pp. 99-104)
are numbered i, 2, 3, etc., and to these numerals capital letters are attached to denote
the position in the relief of each section of the explanatory text. Thus A. denotes the title
and introductory formula; B., the names of the four calves; C., the cartouches and
epithets of the King ; D., the vertical line of text behind the King (which contains usually
a further utterance by him and occasionally further titles and epithets) ; E. i, name and
titles of the god; E. 2, 3, speech or speeches of the god; F. i, name and titles of the
goddess; F. 2, speech of the goddess; G., vertical line of text behind the divine figures.

Translation of the Texts
Category I’’

Text i = E. iii, 168, 9-169, ii; line drawing E. ix, pi. 64. Ptolemy VII, Euergetes
II before Horus the Behdetite and Hathor.

^ It having proved impossible to condense further our Commentar>' and Conclusions, we have been com-
pelled regretfully to divide our paper. The Commentar>-, to which the small superior numerals refer, and our
Conclusions w'ill be printed in the next number of this Journal. Pending the appearance of that commentary
it may be helpful to point out that in our opinion the texts of Category I give the earlier version of a pastoral-
agricultural rite that originated in predynastic times; that Categorj' II gives the later Osirianized version of
the rite, and that the texts of Category III show a confusion of ideas or a complete misunderstanding of the
significance of the ceremony.

^ See Conclusions xrxJEA 36.

Plate VII

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A. [i68, 9] Driving the calves. For recitation: [168, 10] I have reached thy threshing-
floor d thou likeness^ of Rer. I direct^ the calves behind [168, 1 1] thy corn,^ rope{sY being
attached to their feet. Their names are in the four ^ht-sanctuaries (168, 12] 7 have hacked
at the phdty-^na^e5,^ the uraei worth (m-sjw) [168, 13] thousands (?) of gold. The ^h^-
snakes, I have severed their head{s) and cut off'^ [168, 14] their tail{s), making {unthreshed)
corn^ into grain (tjy).

B. [168, 16] The Speckled; the Red; the Black; the White.

C. [168, 17] Ptolemy VII, [168, 18] the beneficent god, Horus with careful mind,^
guarding his small cattle, watching over^^ his calves when treading the threshing-floor.

D. [168, 18] Long live the good god, who holds fast to the rope^^ [169, i] and brandishes'^^
the stick behind the calves; lord of their mother-cow{s) in the House of the Sovereign of the
Wsh-cattle,^‘^ a herdsman with herds in plenty, who threshes^^ the corn [169, 2] countless
times; lord of diadems (Ptolemaeus-may-he-live-for-ever-beloved-of-Ptahff

E. I. [169, 4] For recitation by Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of the sky, lord

of making green the leaves, lord of the meadow-land, who makes the herbage grow;

who emits the air [169, 5] which is the fiery breath of his mouth; who made the cities and
instituted the nomes, who made the {town-)mounds and created the villages, the temples of
the gods being inscribed with his name [169, 6] ; his wings span^^ the Two Plants.^^

E, 2 [169, 3] I give thee the verdure (lit. lapislazuli)-^ of the meadow, the runlets^^
filling the

E, 3 [169, 6] 7 nurture thy youths, I feed thy calves, [169, 7] thy herds, their number is
not known.

F, I. [169, 8] For recitation by Hathor the great, Our Lady of Denderah, Eye of Rer,
who sojourns in Behdet, mistress of heaven, queen of all gods, [169, 9] Gold of the gods in
Wetjset-Hor, August Lady, Wosret in To-r^et.

F, 2. [169, 9] I make manifest thy lovableness among the gods, {and put) the azce of thee
in the mind{s) of the common folk.

io6 A. M. BLACKMAN AND H. W. FAIRMAN

G. [169, 10] King of the south, sovereign and rider of the north, master of the west,
overlord of the east, Lower-Egyptian King in the (town-) mounds in the midst (of the
Delta) lord of grain, [169, ii] who created corn; Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of
the sky.

Text z = E,v, 86, 16-87, 7 > line drawing or photo, published. Ptolemy VIII or
IX (cartouches left blank) before Horus the Behdetite.

A. [86, 16] Driving the calves. For recitation: [ 86 , 17] These calves zvhich I usher in
before thee, lord of gods, pre-eminent in the Great Seat!

B. [86, 18] The Speckled: the Red: the Black: the White.

C. [87, i] Blank cartouches.

D. [87, i] I have come unto thee. Falcon, [87, 2] overlord of the gods, Lower-Egyptian
King in Seat of Rer. I bring-^ thee the calves correctly coloured. I slay the \mp(t)-snake^'^
and cut off its head. Thou art the god [87, 3] who is greater than (other-) gods, zvho
avenged his father and his mother.

E. [87, 4] For recitation by Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of the sky. Falcon of
Gold who is upon his throne, Happy-Dweller in Happy-to-dwell-in;^^ [87, 5] sovereign of
all gods. Upper -Egyptian King in the south, Lower-Egyptian King in the north, under
whose authority are the east and west.

G. [87, 5] A friendly welcome, [87, 6] O my heir,-^ my successor^"^ among the living! I
accept thy work, which thy Majesty doeth for my person, yea I rejoice in thy service. I
give thee Vs'lh-cattle at [87, 7] the opening of the flooded basin-’^ of thy land, and to thresh^^
the corn on thy threshing-floor.^^

Text 3 = Karnak relief.® For photo, see accompanying PI. VII and p. 100. Ptolemy
III, Euergetes I, before ]Min-Amenre<-Kamephis.

A. I drive for thee the calves, namely, the Black and the Red, the White together with
the Speckled. I have threshed^^ countless times for thy ka, making thy (.?) granary overflow^^
with grain.

B. The Red: the White: the Speckled: the Black.

C. Ptolemy III, the living embodiment of Him-who-is-upon-his-Stairioay,^^ who drives
the calves to make goodly his Upper -Egyptian barley.

D. I have taken for myself the rope(sy^ complete with the life-symbols, I grip them in
my left ha?id. I have slain the Binder-snake (dm5),33 the destroyer (?) of the corn-crop,
cutting it in two. 1 have grasped its head with my right hand, I hold fasT^ its tail along
with the rope(s).^'^ (2) I bring-^ to thee the calves of every colour. I drive them for thee at
thy coming forth to thy threshing-floor. I make abundant for thee thy harvesP^ at [ffj]
(right) season anznially^^ order to flood thy hut-shrine^^ with Upper- Egyptian barley.

E. I. For recitation by Min-Amenre^-Kamephis, who is upon his Great Seat, (2) Him-
with-the-lofty -Plumes, Him-wnth-the-uplifted-Arm, of whose beauteous member men boast;
(3) beneficent heir zcho came forth from Isis, eldest son of Osiris. Amun is he, being the

^ I.e. a relief on the great Portal of Euergetes I in front of the temple of Khons at Kamak, the precise
location being Passage, W est W all, left half, 3rd register from top ; see Xelson, Key Plans showing Locations
of Theban Temple Decorations, pi. 17, fig. 3, No. 950.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CEREMONY HWT BHSW

107

ruler when appearing in glory in order to come forth in procession, (5) the gods acclaiming
him, the goddesses rattling sistra before his face azce of whom is the entire Ennead.

E, 2. I give thee all fields {laden) with their goodly harvest year by year.

E, 3. I give thee millions, hundreds of thousands, tens of thousands, thousands, hundreds
of the fruits of the field.

G. For recitation: I accept for myself thy provision. I have seen thy Upper-Egyptian
barley, likewise [thy Lower -Egyptian barley {?)], beholding thy beauteous grain. I produce
.... for thee, fiooding-^^ for thee thy threshing-floor, so that thou reapest thy harvest in
gladness. I give { theej^^ piercing the storm-clouds, thy field doubling its goodly produce.

Category II

Text 4 = E. i, ioi, 18-102, 12; line drawing, E. ix, pi. 20. Ptolemy IV, Philopator,
before Osiris and Isis.

A. [102, 2] Driving the calves^ .... [loi, 18]/ drive for thee the calves, namely, the
Black, the White, the GreetW and the Pale Blue, so that thy Hallozved Ground is free
from all that is evil,‘’^ thy place of burial hidden from all foes.

B. The Speckled; the Red; the Black; the White. ^

C. [102, 3] Ptolemy IV, of great dignity like Min upon his stairzvay,^^ zvho trod-^^ the
grave [102, 4] of him zvho begat him.

D. [102, 4] For recitation‘^'^'°^^ : Take for thyself the calves of every colour zvhich I drive
to hide thy tipland tomb. (/ am'p^ Horns [102, 5] thy son, ozie serviceable to his father, who
turns away enemies from the sepidchre.^"^

E. I. [102, 7] For recitation by Osiris Khentamezithes, great god, zvho sojourns in
Behdet, great Pillar in his crypt; king in the sky, rider of the Two Outpourings, great
sovereign in the Hallowed Land.

E, 2. [102, 6] I give thee the dignity of Min upon his stairzvay,^^ his strength {displayed)
in the Ennead.

F, I. [102, 9] For recitation by Isis in Behdet, queen and mistress [102, 10] of the Two
Lands; god’s wife and protectress of her brother, the Wailing Woman, zvho was the first
to wail for her spouse, who wearied not in {uttering) beneficent spells.

F, 2. [102, 9] I give thee the strength of my son Horns, so that thou occiipyest his throne
in triumph.

F, 3 [102, 10] I give [102, ii] thee the valour of my son Horns, thy dignity being o’er-
mastering like his; great thy strength, mighty thy power, and thy fearsomeness=^ like that
of Him-with-the-outstr etched- Arm.

Text 5 = E. ii, 86, 2-1 1 ; line drawing, E. ix, pi. 40 ». Ptolemy IV, Philopator, before
Horns the Behdetite.

A. [86, 2] Driving the calves, four times, to turn azvay the steps of the Perverse One
[86, 3] from the graveyard (hrt-ntr).

^ These words misplaced in Rochemonteix’s printed text. The line drawing, E. ix, pi. 20, shows, however,
that they form a separate phrase in the normal position of the title, above the calves. In our translation and
hand copy we have, therefore, restored them to their proper position.

^ These words omitted from Rochemonteix’s printed text, but visible in E. l.x, pi. 20.

io8 A. M. BLACKMAN AND H. W. FAIRMAN

B. The Speckled; the Red; the Black; the Whited

C. [86, 5] Ptolemy IV, the likeness of Horns, who drove [86, 6] the calves m Hehopohs.
{Hel is Min^^ in his stairway-shrine.

D. [86, 6] As long as the good god Ptolemy IV exists, he shall be° King of the Two Lands,
a joyous ruler. He is [86, 7] like Horus after burying his father, who drove the calves to
tread his grave.'^'^

E. I. [86, 8] For recitation by Horus the Behdetite, great god [86, 9] lord of the sky,
beneficent heir of Onnophris the Justified, who protects his father and avenges his mother.

E, 2. [86, 8] I give thee the {royal) offices of my son Horus, the successor of his father
Osiris.=^

G. [86, 9] The Falcon [86, 10] of Gold upon his throne is King of the Two Lands upon
the seat of his father. He is the Most-Victorious -One. After occupying his throne he
slays

Text 6 = E . iv, 241, 16-242, 14; line drawing, E . x, pi. 92. Ptolemy VII, Euergetes
II, before Amenre<-Kamephis.

A. [241, 16] Driving the calve{s).^‘^ For recitation: [241, 17] Rmntyss am I, Sovereign of
the VI sh- cattle, [241, 18] my choice ones which thou desirest, which I have brought before
thee, — the Black for work to do [242, i] thy will, the White to delight thee, the Speckled
likewise [242, 2] who increases thy power, the Red driving away [242, 3] thine enemies.^’’

B. [242, 4] The White: the Black: the Red: the Speckled.

C. [242, 5] Ptolemy VII, the beneficent god, trusty envoy of the Lord of Kine,^^ son of
the Nile-god, born of the Tilth-goddess.^^

D. [242, 6] Ptolemy VH is [242, 7] upon his throne as Lower-Egyptian King in Mdt-st,^®
driving the calve{s), protecting Bj-bjw,^' treading the grave [242, 8] of him who begat him.
He is like Atum with his horns upon him,^^ the heir is he offi^ the Overseer of the Granary.

E. I. [242, 1 1] For recitation by Amenrer-Kamephis, great god, who sojourns’" in Behdet,
Him-with-the-uplifted-Arm, [242, 12] of whose beauteous member men boast. Lusty Bull,
Bull who is master of (all) bulls, at sight of whose face women rejoice.

E, 2. [242, 10] I give thee the cultivated landfilled zvithfood, thy threshing-floors heavy
[244, ii] with grain.

G. [242, 13] Kamephis is the Bull-with-uplifted- Arm in the place of Harakhti’s glorious
appearance, impregnating the maidens, copulating with the damsels, causing consternation^^
with his erect member. [242, 14] He is the protector of his sire, at seeing whose face the
common folk rejoice.

Text 7 = E. vi, 286, 4-287, 6; no drawing or photo, published. King (probably
Ptolemy VIII, Soter IP) before Horus the Behdetite and Isis.

A. [286, 4] Driving the calve(s), four times. For recitation: I bring thee [286, 5] the
calves=‘^ in which thou delightest, the Ennead lives when it sees thee [286, 6] while they (the

“ These words omitted from Rochemonteix’s printed text, but visible in E. ix, pi. 40 g.
b For this rare use of m with future meaning seeJEA 33, 16, n. (i); Grdseloff, Ann. Serv. 42, 50, n. (d).
Emending ^ for ^ See Chassinat’s remarks, E. vi, p. iv.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CEREMONY HWT BHSW

109

calves) are in front of thee. Thou rejoicest over them when they are in [286, 7] thy byre.
Thou art Min who drove the calve(s) in Heliopolis, [286, 8] and reassembled the divine
body^'^ of his father, — making happy the heart{s) of gods and goddesses when thou didst put
[286, 9] thy creator together again^= and didst tread^"^ his grave.

B. [286, 10] The Black: the White: the Red: the Speckled.

C. [286, ii] The King of Upper and Lower Egypt (Blank^, son of Rer, (Ptolemaeus-
may-he-live-for-ever-Beloved-of-Ptaff^, [286, 12] who drives the calve{s) in Heliopolis
{like'f^ Min upon his stairway.

D. [286, 12] The son of Rec, (Ptolemaeus-may-he-live-for-ever-Beloved-of-Ptahfj^ is
upon [286, 13] his canopied throne in Mesen, as beneficent ruler of the Two Lands, driving^"^
the calves, treading the grave of his father, trampling down those hostile to his sire. He is
like Horus who buried his father [286, 14] m Heliopolis,^^ who hid the body of His-Nose-
liveth (Fnd-f-'nh)/

E. I. [286, 16] For recitation by Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of the sky, who is
upon his Great Seat; Falcon of Gold, son of Osiris, beneficent heir who came forth from
Isis, [286, 17] eldest son of Onnophris the Justified ; lord of strength, who overthrows Seth
and slays the confederates of [287, i] the Perverse One; who battles for his father and
safeguards his creator; who expels Be from the Fortress the Lion [287, 2] pre-eminent in
Khentiabet, who makes Seth withdraw into the deserts.'^^

E. 2. [286, 15] / gi'ce thee the south and the north yielding thee praise, the zvest and the
east [286, 16] acclaiming Thy Majesty.

F. [287, 3] For recitation by Isis the Great, the God's Mother, pre-eminent in the Great
Seat, beneficent queen, who protects the Two Lands, Mistress of the Universe is she [287, 4]
in Khentiabet, who suppresses the robber. . . .

G. [287, 5] The son of Isis is overlord of his Throne-city, ruling the Two Lands upon
the throne of his father, piercing Nehes, driving^'^ the calves, hiding [287, 6] the crypt of his
creator. He is the lord of victory, occupymg his father's throne and joining together the
Two Lands united in the Double Diadem.

Text 8 = E, vii, 155, 12-156, 12; photo. E. xiv, pi. 633. Ptolemy VIII, Soter II,
before Horus the Behdetite and Hathor.

A. [155, 12] Driving the calve{s). For recitation: Be glad [155, 13] of heart, ye gods of
the sky, rejoice, ye who are on the earth! Horus son of Isis has put [155, 14] his father
together again, and has troddeti his tomb in’’^ Behdet.

B. [156, i] The Speckled: the Red: the Black: the White.

C. [156, 2] Cartouches of Ptolemy VHI only.

D. [156, 3] [7 have come] unto thee, thou Falcon of great strength, the hero zcho pierces
the Unsuccessful One,"^- that I may drive for thee the calve{s) in order to gladden thy heart
when (?) [156, 4] concealing for thee the vault (dn) of thy father. Thou art a god more
renowmed than {any other) gods, with [whose] name the temples are inscribed.

E. I. [156, 7] For recitation by Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of the sky; beneficent
heir of Onnophris the Justified, protector of his father, who exacts [156, 8] vengeance'^^ for
his mother, who puts an end to mourning in this land.

^ = Osiris.

110 A. M. BLACKMAN AND H. W. FAIRMAN

E. 2. [156, 6] I give thee great rejoicing (?) in triumph upon my throne in the House-of-
RejoicingJ"^

F. [156, 9] For recitation by Hathor, Our Lady of Bender ah, Eye of Rec, who sojourns
in Behdet, mistress of the sky, queen of all gods [156, 10] great Female Hawk in House-of~
the-Falcon, God’s Mother of the Falcon of Gold.

G. [156, ii] A friendly welcome, Thou-who-didst-in-due-time-perform-the-Fimeral~
Rite,'^= my successor upon earth. [ 7 ] accept thy service rendered to me,'^^ holy, secret. [156,
12] 7 rejoice in thy ceremony rightly performed.'^'’ I grant thee abundant byres stocked with
cow{s),'^^ all their calves being set to zvorkfor thee.

Text 9 = M., 145, 17-146, 7; line drawing, M., pi. 39, 3. Ptolemy VIII, Soter II,
before Amun-the-Succourer and Mut(?).

A. [145, 17] [Driving] the calves. For recitation: I am Rmnty,^^ Sovereign of the Wsb-
cattle,^'^ the choice ones zvhich thou desirest [145, 18] and which I have brought before thee.

[B. [146, i] The Speckled: the Red: the Black: the White.

C. Lost.

D. [146, 2] Long live the good god, successor of the Lord of Kine,^^ son of the Nile-god,'^^
[146, 3] born of the Tilth-goddess, zcho protects Bs-bnv^i and treads the grave of him who
begat him, lord of diadems, son of Re'', (Ptolemaeus-may-he-live-for-ever-Beloved-of-
Pta^

E. I. Lost.

E, 2. [146, 4] I give thee the field abundant in its output, thy threshing-floor^'^ brim-
ming over with corn-heaps.

F, I. Lost.

F, 2. [146, 7] Thy son is he, thou didst create him, {thy) embodiment’- among the living.

G, I, [146, 5] King of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Protector who protects him who
made hirn,^^ at seeing whose face men rejoice; Falcon, lord of Wetjset, who frequents Thebes,
Amun-the-Succourer

Category III

Text 10 — E. i, 78, 10-17; line drawing, E. ix, pi. 17; photo., E. xi, pi. 244. Ptolemy
IV, Philopator, before Horus-who-illumines-Behdet.

A. [78, 10] Driving the calve{s). For recitation: The vaidt of thy body is hidden from
[78, ii] thy foe; tnen know not the way to it.

B. The Speckled: the Red: the Black: the White. ^

C. [78, 12]. Ptolemy IV, a for m^^ like Him-who-is-upon-his-Stairway^^ (= IVIin); at
seeing his shape the gods rejoice.

D. [78, 13] For recitation: Take for thyself the calves'^"’’ of every colour. I drive them to
hide thy burial-place, thy vault being sacrosanct, none knozving its portals, it being dark
[78, 14] and remote^^ from the disaffected.

E. I. [76, 15] For recitation by Horus-who-illumines-Behdet, [78, 16] but keeps ’Ihks®’
hidden, Dwn-fnw} ,*^ who shines as gold; who spends the day in the sky, who sleeps in
BehdeP'^ alive for ever, and shozvs himself in [78, 17] the east.

^ B. omitted by Rochemonteix, but to be read in E. xi, pi. 244.

Ill

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CEREMONY HWT BHSW

E, 2. [78, 15] / give thee the four ends of the sky, the breadth of the earth, every place
that the Tzvo Luminaries’^^ behold.

E, 2. [78, 17] For recitation: I give thee the south in adoration, the north in obeisance,
the west and east with bowed head, and the whole circuit of the earth upon its foundation;
they forsake thee not.

Text ii = E. i, 404, 2-1 1 ; line drawing, E. ix, pi. 32 b. Ptolemy IV, Philopator,
before Alin-Kamephis.

A. [404, 2] Driving the calves'^’’’ for his father that he may make ‘given life'.

B. The Speckled; ^

C. [404, 3] Cartouches of Ptolemy IV.

D. [404, 3] For recitation: Thou’^^ art Horns who drove [404, 4] the calves in Heliopolis,
Thy Majesty having appeared in glory upon thy stairway. Stand up, Horus, thy inheri-
tance is my inheritance; thou art the lord, the sole heir. [404, 5]. Rejoice thou, O Horus,
seize for thee thine eye and lift it up for thee . , [404, 7] . . . upon earth; thou hast taken the
Wrrt-crozrw.

E. I. [404, 8] For recitation by Min-Kamephis, [404, 9] icho is upon his stairway, great
god, who sojourns in Behdet; the Man of the East icho descries the marvels of P wane, who
seeks his eye in God’s Land; [404, 10] victorious bull of great strength, zvho makes an end
of his enemies.’^-

E, 2. [404, 8] I give thee the canopy’^^ (i.e. the clouds) of the sky, the four ends of the
earth, and every place that the Horizon-god surveys.

G. [404, 10] / take the head-clotli^^ and array my hair, I traverse all the hill-countries.
I give [404, ii] thee the southern lands as subjects

Text., 12 = E. vn, 313, 16-314, 14; no line drawing or photo, published. Ptolemy
IX, Alexander I, before Horus the Behdetite and Hathor.

A. [313, 16] A ruler am I, Sovereign of the Wsb-cattle,^’^ my chosen ones zchich thou
desirest and which I [have brought] before [thee].

B. [314, i] The Speckled: the Red: the Black: the [White].

C. [314, 3] Ptolemy IV, the god zvho loves his mother.

D. [314, 4] I have come unto thee, O Behdetite, Thou zvith the Dappled Plimage, and
{thy) Ka, the Gold-goddess, Our Lady of Dender ah, bringing [314, 5] you as bond servants
the four ends of the entire earth unto the sun’s utmost boimds. Ye are the masters of this
land, the rulers of the zvorld upon its foundation.

E. I. [314, 8] For recitation [M’] Horus the Behdetite, great god, lord of the sky. Him

with the Dappled Plumage, zvho comes forth from the horizon, Upper-Egyptian King in
the south, Lower-Egyptian King in the north, [314, 9] sovereign in the west and east, a
ruler, lord of Egypt (’Isty),^5 zvith zvhose name the temples are inscribed ^6

E, 2. [314, 7] / give thee the south and the north, the west and the east, the four ends
[314, 8] of the earth upon its foundation.

^ The names of the four calves are not given in Rochemonteix’s text, but ^ is to be seen in E. ix, pi. 32 b,
the other names being lost.

II2

A. M. BLACKMAN AND H. W. FAIRMAN

F. Destroyed apart from a few isolated words, including [314, 11]. . .Eye of Rer,
mistress of heaven, queen ....

H. [314, 13] A friendly welcome, {my) image upon earth, my successor among the living.
I accept thy ceremony, I rejoice over thy ritual act, my heart delights in [314, 14] thy
handiwork. I give thee the south and north for thy two portions, the west and east for thy
bond servants.

(ii3)

UNE REPRESENTATION RARE SUR L’UNE DES
CHAPELLES DE TOUTAnKHAMON

Par ALEXANDRE PIANKOFF

Par I’etude de ces quelques scenes que nous presentons dans cet article nous avons
voulu, tout en offrant ce modeste hommage a Sir Alan Gardiner, le remercier pour nous
avoir gracieusement laisse publier les representations et les textes des quatre ‘chapelles’
de Toutankhamon. Anticipant en quelque sorte sur la pub-
lication princeps, nous esperons attirer I’attention des egypto-
logues sur des textes peu connus, indispensables neanmoins
pour la comprehension de la theologie egyptienne.

La figure momiforme dont la tete et les jambes sont en-
cerclees de serpents qui se mordent la queue, est representee
sur la paroi droite exterieure de la deuxieme ‘chapelle’ de
Toutankhamon; la photographic de cette figure a paru pour
la premiere fois dans le journal The Illustrated London News,

Jan. 7, 1933 (fig. i).

Cette representation est unique dans I’iconographie egyp-
tienne, pourtant, comme nous allons le voir plus loin, des figures
analogues se rencontrent dans les tombes royales et tout parti-
culierement dans les tombes de Ramses VI et Ramses IX.

La figure sur la ‘chapelle’ de Toutankhamon a les traits du
pharaon defunt. Dans le cercle qui entoure la tete et qui est
formee par un serpent se trouvent deux inscriptions identiques
formees de trois signes: imn wnwtl

Au-dessus de la tete du personnage, pres de la tete du serpent,
une courte inscription mhn (pi. VIII, I) indique que ce serpent
est le meme que celui qui dans le livre de I’Amdouat et le Livre
des Fortes protege le naos du dieu soleil en I’entourant de ses
replis.

Plus bas sur le corps meme de la figure est trace un cercle qui contient un oiseau
criocephale tourne vers la gauche, ayant des bras humains leves en adoration. Une
corde sort du disque^ et se prolonge vers la gauche au-dessus de sept personnages qui
s’avancent les bras leves vers le disque trace sur le corps de la figure centrale dont les
pieds sont places dans un cercle forme par un serpent qui se mord la queue. Dans le
cercle a droite et a gauche deux inscriptions identiques de quatre signes (voir la repre-

‘ Le premier signe est pour imn, les deux autres font allusion au verbe ten, TVb. I, 3 13 (10), zenzL'n. Ce dernier
mot determine aussi par la meche de cheveux \Vb. I, 318 (i). Le determinatif est du probablement a un jeu de
mots avec irn, Wb. i, 314 (15) — de la: ‘Celui qui cache les fuyantes = les heures.’

^ Cf. Jung, Psychology of the Unconscious, p. 59.

Q

ALEXANDRE PIANKOFF

114

sentation). Cette figure momiforme occupe le centre de la paroi de la ‘chapelle’ et la
partage en deux parties egales. A droite, face a la figure momiforme, se trouvent trois
registres surmontes d’une inscription, qui se lit :

‘Le dim bon, maitre des deux terres, Nb-hpnv-rr, fils du soleil issu de son corps, aime par
lui, maitre des diademes Tout-Ankh-Amon, aime de la grande mneade qui se trouve dans
la Douat. Ce qu’il a fait comme son monument pour son pere Horus de Vhorizon dest de
{representer) ce qui est dans la Donat: la naissance de Rd et des entrees du dieu dans I'au
deld.’

Le premier registre, sous cette inscription, contient le Chap. 17 du Livre des Morts,
une theorie de sept divinites denommees : (i) Suy, (2) Im{y)-DzvA, (3) Irrwty, (4) rn-hr,
(5) Ddf-hr, (6) Hsn, (7) Mizvt, (8) rrty^ (II, a), accompagnees d’un texte enigmatique:
Nn n ntrw m shr pn m ^rwt-sn imywt Dfyt. Wnn hfwt-sn m kkw (II, b).

‘Ces dieux sont ainsi dans leurs Quererts qui se trouvent dans la Douat. Leurs corps
sont dans les tenebres.’

Le registre se termine a droite par un groupe representant un baton surmonte d’une
tete de belier, denomme tp-rc (II, c i), adore par Isis (II, c 2) et par Nephthys
(11, C3).

Au-dessus de ces figures un texte enigmatique; Nn m shr pn sp itn msyf (II, d).

‘Ils sont ainsi: le Disque commence a naitre (lit: sa naissance).’

Au deuxieme registre: trois colonnes horizontales qui contiennent le Chap. 27 du
Livre des Morts ; le reste du registre est occupe par sept representations symboliques.
Enfin au dernier registre d’en bas se trouvent le premier chapitre du Livre des Morts
et une theorie de huit divinites :

(i) Hpry, (2) Hnm, (3) Hr rnh~hprw, (4) Ih (?),^ (5) Ti-tnn, (6) Tms-hr{}), (7) ^hmty,
(8) ’In^ (pi. IX’ III, a). ’

Au-dessus,des figures un texte enigmatique : Nn n ntrw m shr pn m krrwt'sn Imywt
htmyt. Wnn hmt-sn m kkw smm, <'p Re iw biw-sn sf itn-f. Stwt-f rkr krrwt'sn (HI, b).

‘Ces dieux sont ainsi dans leurs Quererts qui se trouvent dans I’Endroit de
I’aneantissement. Leurs corps sont dans les tenebres epaisses lorsque Ra passe et que
leurs ames sont derriere son disque. Ses rayons penetrent dans leurs Quererts.’

Le dernier groupe qui occupe le deuxieme et le troisieme registre represente la
deesse dwA (IV, 2) et la deesse stfyt (IV, 3) en adoration devant ‘le cou de Ra’
(IV, i) surmonte d’un disque solaire dans lequel est represente un oiseau criocephale
pareil a celui qui se trouve dans le disque.

Derriere la figure centrale la paroi de la ‘chapelle’ est egalement subdivisee en trois
registres. Dans le premier sont placees sept deesses momiformes debout dans leur
naos. Ce sont: (i) D{wfiyt, (2) St/yt, (3) Krtt, (7) Dbnt, (5) Nsyt, (6) Mwyt, (7) T^yt
(pl. X, V, A).

Au-dessus de ces representations un texte enigmatique : Nn n ntryt m shrpn m db/wt-sn.
Sn-msrsn hdwt itnf. Biwsn, rp-sn htw nt{r) ry (V, b).

‘ Les transcriptions des noms des divinites et des textes enigmatiques sont faites par le Dr. E. Drioton.

^ Cf. ’Ikk, Wb. I, 140 (10). Ce nom se rencontre egalement dans le Livre des Fortes, Division VII (texte
inedit).

CRYPTOGRAPHIC TEXTS ON ONE OF THE CHAPELS OF TUT'ANKHA.MUN

Plate IX

CRYPTOGRAPHIC TEXTS OX ONE OF THE CHAPELS OF TUT'ANKHAMUN

Plate X

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CRYPTOGRAPHIC TEXTS OX OXE OF THE CHAPELS OF TUTLAXKHAMCX

Plate XI

CRYPTOGRAPHIC TEXTS ON ONE OF THE CHAPELS OF TUT'ANKHAAICN

SUR L’UNE DES CHAPELLES DE TOUTANKHAMON

115

‘Ces deesses sont ainsi dans leurs sarcophages. Elies voient les rayons de son disque,
leurs ames passent dans la suite du grand dieu.’

A gauche dans le meme registre quatre colonnes de texte contenant une invocation
aux deux enneades divines.

Dans le registre du milieu se trouvent le Chap. 29 du Livre des Morts ainsi que les
sept dieux que nous avons deja mentionnes qui sont representes marchant les bras leves
vers la figure centrale: (i) Dw/ty, (2) Sp-i", (3) Hfy-c, (4) ’I^hy, (5) Stwty, (6) Hdy-r
(VI a), au-dessus de ces figures un texte enigmatique: Nn n ntrw m shr pn. Sp-sn hdwt
itn-j. Sp-f hmt dw/ty{w). ^pp‘f sn-rn-sn m kkw (VI b).

‘Ces dieux sont ainsi : ils re^oivent les rayons de son disque lorsqu’il eclaire les corps
des habitants de la Douat. Lorsqu’il passe ils rentrent dans I’obscurite.’

Enfin au dernier registre d’en bas, entre deux dieux momiformes debout denommes
respectivement Htmy-r (pi. XI, VII, a 3) et Sm{f)y-c (VII, A 4) le serpent Tpy (VII, a i)^
enveloppe dans ses replis deux cartouches superposes. Dans celui d’en haut un Wsir
(VII, A 2) Osiris^ ainsi qu’un tertre qui contient un bras, quatre mains, et le devant
d’un belier qui semble sortir de terre. Au-dessus de cette scene un texte enigmatique:
Nn n ntrw m shr pn m krrt imyt htmyt. Iw Re dioi-f h{i)wt d{wf)yt{yw). ''k-f m krrt tn.
Itn Re dpyf im-s. Hk?i imyws m hrw-f. Srk sn m ht dwi (VII, b).

‘Ces dieux sont ainsi dans la Querert qui se trouve dans I’Endroit de I’aneantisse-
ment. Rt appelle les corps des habitants de la Douat lorsqu’il penetre dans cette
Querert. Le disque de Ra circule en elle. Ceux qui sont en elle jubilent en entendant
sa voix, ils respirent apres qu’il les a appeles.’

Le reste du registre est occupe par le Chap. 26 du Livre des Morts.

La figure momiforme representee sur la paroi de la deuxieme ‘chapelle’ de Tout-
ankhamon est comme nous I’avons deja dit plus haut unique dans I’iconographie de
rfigypte ancienne. Pourtant la divinite connue sous le nom ‘celui qui cache les heures’
ou ‘celui qui cache ses heures’^ se trouve representee dans la tombe de Ramses VI,-^
dans celle de Taousert et Set-Nakht^ ainsi que dans la tombe de Ramses IX.^ C’est un
dieu ithyphallique qui se tient debout dans une espece d’entonnoir place dans les replis
d’un serpent geant. Le long des parois de I’entonnoir sont disposees douze deesses,
‘Celles qui president le tir’, tenant dans les mains des disques rouges. La tete du dieu
est entouree de huit ou de treize etoiles parmi lesquelles se trouvent deux disques
rouges.

Dans la Salle du Sarcophage de la tombe de Ramses VI, parmi d’autres textes se
rapportant a la creation du disque solaire, se rencontre le passage suivant qui decrit ce
tableau Elies (les heures) passent et entrent dans la terre, dans la direction de la

^ Cf. Bucher, Les Textes des tombes de Thoutmosis III et d’Amenophis II, p. 25 ; Budge, The Egyptian Heaven
and Hell, ll, p. 250; voir aussi notre Livre des Quererts, Index, sous dpj.

^ Le Livre des Quererts, pis. 76, 2; 79, 28; 147, 14. ^ Lefebure, Sphinx, 4, 2.

* Champollion, Not. descr. II, 577. ’ Lefebure, Les Hypogees royaux de Thebes, pL 67.

® Lefebure, op. cit., pi. 19; Guilmant, Le Tombeau de Ramses IX, pi. 92. Une representation semblable
existait egalement dans la tombe de Ramses III, Champollion, op. cit. l, 420. Voir aussi: Quibell, The Rames-
seum, pi. 28.

^ Lefebure, op. cit., pi. 53 d. Je prepare la publication de tons les te.xtes de la Salle du Sarcophage de la
tombe de Ramses VI sous le titre La Creation du disque.

ii6

ALEXANDRE PIANKOFF

Querert de Celui qui cache ses heures, tandis que leurs ombres portent leurs rayons et
que leurs rayons penetrent dans les chairs de celui qui les cache.’

C’est evidemment au meme ordre d’idees que se rattache la figure d’Aken. Dans le
Livre des Morts, Chap. 99^ on nous apprend seulement que cet Aken doit etre reveille
de son sommeil. Le Livre des Fortes est plus explicite : a la cinquieme division, registre
superieur, se trouve represente un dieu momiforme debout. Une double corde que
tiennent douze personnages divins lui sort de la bouche.^ Le texte qui accompagne
cette representation se lit: ‘Tenez bien la double corde, tirez de la bouche d’Aken la
sortie des heures qui font votre felicite. Les heures sortent pour se reposer aux
endroits qui leur sont destines pendant que la double corde sort de la bouche d’Aken.
Quand la tressee sort, I’heure nait. Pendant que Ra I’appelle elle arrive a I’endroit de
son repos, alors Aken avale la corde.’ Le dieu Aken, ainsi que Celui qui cache ses heures,
symbolisent tous les deux I’arret dans le fonctionnement de la machine cosmique,
I’arret du temps a un moment donne de la nuit. Pour remettre en marche le mecanisme
celeste, et faire avancer le dieu soleil sur la riviere du temps,^ il fallait invoquer des
forces de I’au dela et par des formules appropriees faire sortir les heures du gouffre
du neant.

* Grapow, Urk. v, 147 ff.

^ Lefebure, Hypogees royaux de Thebes, Le tombeau de Seti I, Seconde partie, pi. 14. Le texte ainsi que la
rep. ont ete reproduits par Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, II, p. 208. Le texte de Sethos I est assez
fautif, ma traduction est fondee sur le texte etabli par Ch. Maystre et par moi-meme et qui va paraitre dans
le II® volume du Livre des Fortes.

3 Voir notre Livre du Jour et de la Nuit, p. 31.

LA CRYPTOGRAPHIE DE LA CHAPELLE DE

TOUTANKHAMON

Par ETIENNE DRIOTON

La publication par M. Piankoff, dans ce tome du JEA, d’une representation sculptee
sur la deuxieme chapelle de Toutankhamon fait connaitre un texte enigmatique impor-
tant pour I’etude de cette ecriture anormale. Qu’il me soit permis d’offrir un essai sur
ce sujet en hommage au Maitre de qui la Grammaire restera longtemps le code des con-
naissances pour ce qui concerne I’ecriture normale des textes hieroglyphiques.

Bien qu’elle ait attire I’attention des les debuts de I’egyptologie, puisque Champol-
lion lui fit une place dans les tableaux de sa Grammaire egyptienne, par sept de ses
signes^ qu’il interpreta correctement, le dechiffrement de cette sorte de cryptographie,
qui semble reser\^ee aux compositions religieuses, n’a pas encore ete poussee a fond.
Les etudes que Lauth,- Goodwin, ^ Le Page Renouf,"*^ Deveria^ et Lefebure^ lui con-
sacrerent n’eurent pas de lendemain. II faiit sans doute attribuer le fait a son caractere
illogique, qui decouragea de prime abord toute tentative d’explication raisonnee.

Mais il arrive parfois qu’une difficulte qu’il n’est pas possible de vaincre de front
puisse I’etre en vertu d’un mouvement tournant.

La cryptographie religieuse (nous emploierons ce terme pour designer en bref
I’ecriture anormale dont il s’agit ici) n’a pas de frontieres etanches avec la crvpto-
graphie courante, celle des inscriptions royales ou privees, dont on saisit pourtant a
premiere vue qu’elle est distincte. En fait elle puise largement dans son repertoire.
Depuis que les principes de la cryptographie civile ont ete elucides,’’ il est possible de
separer, dans la cry^ptographie religieuse, ce qui est du a I’influence du precede parallele.
Le residu represente ce qui lui appartient en propre. Ainsi circonscrit, le probleme
devient plus facile a resoudre.

On est d’ailleurs fortement aide, dans le dechiffrement de la cryptographie religieuse,
par les legendes doubles qui accompagnent la plupart des figures dans le Livre de
I’Am-Douat. Elies donnent en parallele le nom des personnages en cryptographie
religieuse et en ecriture normale.

Les seules compositions quelque peu developpees redigees dans cette sorte de crvpto-
graphie qui aient ete publiees jusqu’a present sont cedes du Cenotaphe de Seti I

' Champollion, Grammaire egyptienne, Paris, 1836, pp. 36, 38, 41 et 43.

- Lauth, Aenigmatisches Schrift, dans ZAS 4 (1866), pp. 24-6.

^ Goodwin, On the Enigmatic Writing on the Coffin of Seti I, dans ZAS ii (1S73), PP- 138 ff-

Le Page Renouf, The Royal Tombs at Biban-el-iMoliik and 'Enigmatical’ Writing, dans ZAS 12 (1874),
pp. loi-s.

5 Deveria, L’Ecriture secrete dans les textes hieroglyphiques des anciens Egyptiens, Premier essai, dans la Bibl.
egyptolog. V, pp. 49-80.

* Lefebure, The Book of Hades, from the sarcophagus of Seti I, dans les Records of the Past, x, 114.

Drioton, Essai sur la cryptographie privee de la fin de la XVIIP dynastie, dans la Rev. d’Egyptol. l, pp. 1-50-

ii8

fiTIENNE DRIOTON

a Abydos,’' du tombeau de Ramses VP et de celui de Rainses IX. ^ Le memoire de
M. Piankoff verse done au dossier la piece la plus ancienne, a laquelle on ne connait
d’anterieures que les legendes succinctes du Livre de I’Am-Douat dans les tombes de
Thoutmosis III et d’Amenophis II.^

Dans Fetude qui suit, les chiffres et les lettres renvoient a la planche de Farticle de
M. Piankoff.

I. Eleivients de Cryptographie Ordinaire
Une grande partie des signes employes dans les textes cryptographiques de la
chapelle de Toutankhamon relevent de la cryptographie ordinaire, parce qu’ils en
verifient les lois.

1. Signes de I’ecriture en clair employes de fafon anormale
II y a d’abord les signes qui, tout en conservant la valeur qu’ils ont dans Fecriture
ordinaire, sont employes de fa9on insolite. Ainsi le signe-mot sans adjonction de trait
I ou de determinatif :

o = i?^(IIIb, 12. Vllb, yetii),

le determinatif pris comme signe-mot :

o (changement de position de oo) = mu (V b, 2),

et les signes-mots jouant le role de phonetiques pluriliteres :

personnage assis, adorant — dwi (II a, 2. IV, 2. VI a et b).
personnage nageant = nb (dans nb-hyt, II c, 3).

= htm (dans htmyt, III b, 6. VII a, 3).

= = (dans stiyt, IV, 3. V a, 2).

3=r — mi (dans miwty, II a, 7).

2. Valeurs cryptographiques obtenues par acrophonie

On releve dans ces textes:

= h, par acroph. de hy ‘enfant’ (dans uhy, VI a, 4).

"= r, ,, ,, rr ‘ejection’ (dans cp. III b, 12).

= p, „ „ psg ‘cracher’, passim.

( t, „ „ f/ ‘cracher’ (dans itn, II d, i).

1 ^ \t'>d (dans ddi-hr, II a, 5).

^ = / > h, par acroph. de sft 'oris longipes’ (dans hum, III a, 2).

g-f — r, par acroph. de nv ‘lion’ (dans nine, II b, 2. Ill b, 2. VI, b. VII b, 2 — hnv, VII b, 15).
= m, par acroph. de rnsh ‘peau’ (?) (dans imywt, II b, 7. Ill b, 6).

*IAa_

i, par acroph. de spd > ipd ‘volatile’ (dans itn, VI b).

r, „ „ n ‘oie’ (dans rr, VII b, 7).

n, ,, „ nrw ‘serpent’ (dans nt{y)-u, V b, 9),

^ Frankfort, The Cenotaph of Seti I at Abydos.

^ Champollion, Xot. descr. ll, 490-688. Cf. Lefebure, Xotices des hypogees, Paris, 1889, pp. 48-80 ; Piankoff,
Le Litre des Quererts, dans Bull. Inst.fr. 42, pis. 59-63, 67-70, 73, 76-9, et 146-51.

3 Guilmant, Le Tombeau de Ramses IX, Le Caire, 1907.

^ Bucher, Les Textes des tombes de Thoutmosis III et d’Amenophis II, Le Caire, 1932.

LA CRYPTOGRAPHIE DE LA CHAPELLE DE TOUTANKHAMON 119

w par acroph. de wbs ‘ce qui pousse’ (dans iw, III b, 12).

„ g)ht ‘feuillage’ (dans kkw, II b, 13. Ill b, 10).

,, pr maison’ (dans {s)sp, VI b).

,, nt ‘couronne de Basse Egypte’, passim.

„ Cfit ‘anneau’ (dans rr, VII b, 7).

,, szV ‘piece de lin’,

„ nwt ‘herminette’ (dans itn, II d, 2).
vase renverse = g > k, par acroph. de ga ‘chavire’ (dans kkw, VI b).

I = A, par acroph. de hwy ‘ce qui est frappe’* (dans htmyt, VII b, 5).

II convient sans doute de classer dans cette categorie, bien que I’origine n’en soit
pas encore explicable:

o

= g>k

= p, „
= n

j)

= n

= r, passim.

■= = ri^ (dans itn, VI b).

3. Valeurs cryptographiques obtenues par rebus

« r= f^nh (III a, 3) de cnh ‘scarabee’.

ik (?) (Ill a, 4) de ik, determine par un scarabee, Pyr. 806 b (P).

= hr (III a, 3), de hrt ‘chemin’.

Q — rn (VI b), de rnt ‘anneau’.

vase renverse sur son support = rk (III b, 16), de rk ‘chavire’.

4. Variations materielles

Enfin, comme dans la cryptographie normale, le precede de variation materielle pent
entrer en jeu. Seul I’aspect du signe est modifie, I’objet represente et sa valeur restant
identiques :

o = t, variation materielle de ^ (dans itn, VI b).

— s- = r, „ „ -J (VI a, 2, 3 et 6. VII a, 3 et 4).

5. Precedes speciaux d’orthographe

Onretrouveegalementdans ces textes les regies d’orthographe particulieres a la crypto-
graphie courante de la XVI IP dynastie, telles qu’elles ont ete definies ailleurs.^

Presque tous les mots sont ecrits phonetiquement, par decomposition alphabetique,
sans determinatifs. Les seuls determinatifs qu’on rencontre sont: (dans htw, V a,
8), o (dans itn, III b, 14 — hiy, Via, 3 — hhy, VI a, 4 — stwty. Via, 5 — My, VI a, 6),
rn (dans htmyt. III b, 7. VII b, 6 — krrt, VII a, 4), (dans Uiyt, V a, 2 — htmy, VII a,
3 — shr, VII b, 3) et ^ (dans mwyt, V a, 6).

Les pluriels ne sont pas notes (dans hsvot, II b, 10. Ill b, 8 — dwstyw, VI b — dsytyw,
VII b, 8 — hprzv, III a, 3) et quelquefois les feminins non plus (dans krrt, VII b, 10 —
dsyt, II b, 8). II est probable que leur desinence etait deja perdue dans le langage
courant de cette epoque.

' A savoir le piquet d’amarrage.

^ Cf. Fairman, Notes on the alphabetic signs employed in the hieroglyphic inscriptions in the Temple of Edfu,
dans Ann. Serv. 43, 244, No. i66b. D’apres M. Fairman cette valeur serait fondee sur le changement phoneti-
que de m en n observe dans certains mots.

3 Drioton, Essai sur la cryptographie privee . . ., dans Rev. d’Egyptol. l, pp. 1-50.

120

ETIENNE DRIOTON

C’est egalement sans doute parce que la notation cr}'ptographique s’inspire de la
langue parlee que krrwt est ecrit trois fois krwt (II b, 5. Ill b, 5 et 16), que h est
transcrit par sonh dans hum (III a, 2) et dans hwt (III b, 8.^ VI b. VII b, 8), que g sert
a noter k dans kkzv (VI b) et que hr represente hr dans shr (II b, 4 et d, i. Ill b, 3,

V b, I. VI b. VII b, 3) et dans hrw (VII b, 15).

Par deux fois on pent relever une finesse deja remarquee dans la cryptographie regu-
liere celle qui consiste a prendre comme dernier signe, avec une valeur phonetique
enigmatique, celui-la meme qui serait determinate du mot dans I’ecriture en clair :
o, Z+i-j-n = itn ‘disque’ (VII b, ii).
r+r = rr ‘Re’ (VII b, 7).

II. Elements Speciaux a la Cryptographie Religieuse

Meles aux elements qu’on vient de definir, il s’en trouve d’autres qu’on essaierait en
vain de faire entrer dans les memes categories et qui ne s’expliquent que par des prin-
cipes totalement differents. Ce sont eux qui donnent son caractere propre a la crypto-
graphie religieuse.

II saute aux yeux que, dans les textes de ce genre, les figures d’oiseaux sont pratique-
ment unifiees, en ce sens qu’un seul type les remplace toutes. Dans certains cas c’est
^,3 dans d’autres ici, sauf quatre exceptions en faveur de ^ (dans m (prepos.),

VI b — h^y, VI a, 3 — hdwt, VI b),^ c’est L’oiseau choisi re9oit les valeurs les plus
diverses. Dans nos textes, ^ represente /, r, w, h, m, n, t et d.

La seule explication possible est la suivante: etant donne le groupe des oiseaux de
I’ecriture normale, tons prennent cryptographiquement la valeur que chacun d’eux
possede en clair ou quelquefois, dans le cas des pluriliteres, par acrophonie. Ainsi sur
ce baldaquin de Toutankhamon:
r= zv (dans hdwt, VI b).

^ (prepos., VI b).

^ h, par acroph. de htm (dans h/y, VI a, 3 — hdwt, VI b),

"= ^ / (dans ry, V b, 9 — fo/r, II a, 6 — h}wt,\\h,io. Ill b, 8. VI b. VII b, 8 — 5/, III b,
14 — smsw. III b, II — tiyt, V a, 7).

= r, par acroph. (dans ry, V b, 9 — rk, VII b, 9).

^ zi; (dans iw, VII b, 6 — imyw, VII b, 14 — wnn, II b, 9; III b, 7 — miwty, II a 7 —
mwyt, V a, 6 — hdzct, V b, 3 — htw, V b, 8 — smiw. III b, 1 1 — stwty. Via, 5 —
kkw, II b, 13. VI b — dwi, VI b, 7 et 17).

= ^ fty (dans b)w. III b, 12. V b, 5 — dbnot, V b, i — dbitt, Va, 4).

' Ici I’ecriture du mot est irreguliere. Les deux derniers signes, zti et t, sont inten^erses et un !j inexplicable
vient s’intercaler entre h et !.

- Drioton, Essai sur la cryptographie privee, p. 34, et Piankoff, Le Litre du Jour et de la Nuit, Le Caire,
1942, p. 1 17, § 30.

3 Par exemple dans le tableau de la psychostasie, insere parfois dans la V® division du Livre des Portes,
selon la version du tombeau de Ramses VI, Champollion, Not. descr. II, pp. 495-6.

Dans la meme representation au tombeau d’Harmais, Davis, The Tombs of Harmhabi and Toutdnkha-
manou, pis. 53-4.

5 II se pourrait done que le texte VI ait ete transcrit d’un prototype en ^ qu’on aurait incompletement
adapte.

LA CRYPTOGRAPHIE DE LA CHAPELLE DE TOUTANKHAMON 121

L= ^ ffz (dans OT (prepos.), n b> 3, 5, 12 et d, 1. Illb, 2, 4619. Vb, i. VII b, 2, 4, 9 et 14
— m ht, VII b, 16 — im, VII b, 12 — imyt, VII b, 5 — imyw, VII b, 13 — irny-
d%v)t, II a, 2 — mwyt, V a, 6 — mhn, I — msi, II d, 2 — htmyt, VII b, 5 — symy,
VII a, 4 — smsw. III b, ii — tyns-hr. III a, 6).

= ^ yi, par acroph. (dans II a, 4 — hnm. III a, 2 — ti-tnyi. III a, 5).

= t on d > t, par acroph. (dans ti-tnn. III a, 5 — hdy, VI a, 6 — hdzvt, VI b).

Si le principe enonce est exact, on doit trouver le meme procede de signification
utilise pour d’autres groupes de signes que celui des oiseaux. En fait on pent degager
celui des serpents :

^ r {trf), par acroph. : i (dans ityi, II d, i).

^ \^{kt) „ k (dans hkyi, VII b, 13).

/ (pronom, II d, 4. Ill b, 15. V b, 5. VI b. VII b, 7, 9, 12 et 15).
d (dans ihduct, V b, 3 — dbiwt, V b, i — dbftt, V a, 4 — dwi, VII b, 7 et 17) et d> d
(dans dyytyzc, VII b, 8 — dpy, VII b, 1 1).

On discerne aussi le groupe des verdures, dont les exemples sont necessairement peu
nombreux dans un nombre aussi restreint d’inscriptions, mais qui, d’apres les autres
textes de meme ecriture, englobait egalement les signes 'f , S et |.

^ r = (j i, passim.

\= \ h > h, par acroph. (dans hiwt, II b, 10).

Un autre groupe, qu’on peut appeler provisoirement des terrains, met en relation
£^5, s et

£53: = SI. ti > d; (dans diyt, II b, 8. V a, i).

^ n t, par acroph. (dans st, II c, 2 — yit{r)-r!, V b, 9).

c=: (sm) s, par acroph. (dans st, II c, 2 — ssp, VI a, 2).

Enfin le meme systeme par equivalences groupales mettait aussi en oeuvre des
groupes fondes, non pas sur la nature des objets representes, mais sur la ressemblance
purement exterieure des signes, comme:

s= = czn (prepos. VI b — dans htmyt, III b, 6).

^ t (dans ityi, III b, 14 — htmyt, VII b, 6 — st-ost. III b, 15 — kyrt, III b, 16, VII b, 4
— tyi, VII b, 10 — dzvstyw, VI b).

o = ® par acroph. (dans ityi, VII b, ii — hkyi, VII b, 13).

On remarque I’esprit de fantaisie arbitraire qu regne dans ce systeme et le rend si
different de la ciyptographie normale, basee au contraire sur une precision peut-
etre subtile, mais minutieuse. Aussi c’est de lui sans doute que relevent I’emploi sans
signification des indices i 1 1 du pluriel (dans rp, V b, 7 — m (prepos.), VI b — shr, III b, 3 .
VI b. VII b, 3) et des reduplications injustifiees comme = == {tt), t par acroph.
(dans ti-tnn, III a, 5).

En ce qui concerne le redoublement des signes, les textes de Toutankhamon, comme
d’ailleurs les autres inscriptions en ciy^ptographie religieuse, usent du procede pour
exprimer la terminaison y ajoutee a un signe-mot {i''rwty, II a, 3 — crty, II a, 8 — hpry,
III a, I — tpy, VII a, i). C’est etrange, la desinence du duel masculin etant en realite

122

fiTIENNE DRIOTON

voy. II faut sans doute reconnaitre la une convention arbitraire inspiree par le meca-
nisme phonetique du duel feminin. Elle explique la valeur tiy attribuee au redouble-
ment ^ dans sUy (II a, i).

II est evident que I’esprit de la cr^'ptographie religieuse est a I’oppose de celui de
la normale.

Celle-ci cachait les textes pour qu’ils fussent dechiffres par ceux qui en savaient les
regies. Elle proposait subtilement, mais correctement, des enigmes. Non seulement
elle etait dechiffrable, mais dans I’esprit de ceux qui la pratiquaient elle provoquait
au dechiffrement. C’est pourquoi elle merite Tappellation plutot d’enigmatique que
de crj^ptographique.

Au contraire la cryptographie religieuse visait a faire obstacle au dechiffrement. Elle
intervenait lorsque, la presence de certains textes etant requise, il fallait en empecher
la lecture par les profanes. Une telle ecriture etait cryptographique au sens le plus
fort du terme.

Employee a I’etat pur elle aurait ete proprement indechiffrable, puisqu’elle ne
reposait sur aucune convention rationnelle qui permit d’accrocher un dechiffrement.
Mais en usa-t-on jamais de la sorte? Telle qu’on la trouve dans les textes religieux
jusqu’a present connus, elle constitue seulement un appoint qui, mele a la crypto-
graphie normale, la corse en quelque sorte et augmente la difficulte de sa lecture.

( 123 )

SOME EARLY DYNASTIC CONTRIBUTIONS TO
EGYPTIAN ARCHITECTURE

By I. E. S. EDWARDS

In a recent volume of this Journal, Sir Alan Gardiner found occasion to remark on the
importance of the Early Dynastic Period as the time in which so many Eg}^ptian artistic
conventions took their familiar shaped It is, indeed, a fact which has become generally
recognized^ and which has been clearly demonstrated by the results of excavations
conducted during the past half-centuiy' at Abydus, Hieraconpolis, SaWcarah, and
elsewhere. Methods of representation devised by the artists and sculptors of that age
remained substantially unchanged throughout dynastic histor^^ This applies not only
to individual details of form and dress, but also, in some cases, to complete scenes, the
most striking example perhaps being the rock relief at Wadi Magharah, showing
Semerkhet slaying an Asiatic inhabitant,^ which differs in no essential respect from
related scenes dating down to the New Kingdom both in the same locality and on the
walls of temples in the Nile valley.

In the realm of architecture the debt of later generations to their early dynastic
ancestors is in all probability no less appreciable than in other branches of art, but the
entire lack of comparative material from pre-dynastic times renders the precise starting-
point of this or that convention exceedingly difficult to determine. The remarkable
series of buildings which lie within the Step Pyramid complex at Sakkarah in fact
provides the earliest assembly of monuments, apart from tombs, yet found in a state
of preservation suitable for detailed study; only the ruined ‘forts’ at Abydus and
Hieraconpolis remain to serve as visible evidence that edifices of considerable size were
built in the preceding age. The architect of the Step Pyramid was, however, chiefly
concerned with reproducing in stone forms which were already well established in less
durable materials rather than with inventing new designs in which the special properties
of stone could be exploited to greater advantage. Obvious instances of such reproduc-
tion are furnished by the many dummy doors in the complex, all of which are direct
copies of wooden originals, and by the ribbed ceilings of the Entrance Colonnade and
of certain other buildings which imitate logs of timber. In some cases the rendering
in stone was a secondar}^ development, the immediate prototype of wood having itself
been derived from an original in some more frail material. Two incontestable instances
of this class are the papyrus-stem and the lily-stem attached columns in the facades of

' A. H. Gardiner, Regnal Years and Civil Calendar in Pharaonic Egypt, JEA 31, 13, n. 2: ‘This was the
age in which the traditional attitudes and attributes received their stereoU’ped forms.’

^ W. S. Smith, A Elistory of Egyptian Scidpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom, pp. 128-9; H. Schafer,
Von dgyptischer Kunst, pp. 12-17.

^ Even earlier examples in miniature are provided by the Narmer palette and the ivoiy label of Udimu
formerly in the Macgregor collection and now in the British INIuseum (No. 55586).

124

I. E. S. EDWARDS

the courts of the Northern and Southern Buildings ; as Lauer has pointed out, traces
of red were found on the papyrus-stem column and red was the colour normally adopted
by Djoser’s architect when imitating woodd It has therefore, no doubt rightly, been
deduced that, in the period before Djoser, buildings existed which embodied wooden
columns, either attached or free-standing, in the shape of papyrus- and lily-plants with
their respective flowers serving as the capitals.

The antecedents of the two other types of attached colunrn found in the Step Pyramid
enclosure, namely, those with the fluted and the ribbed shafts, have long been a subject
of speculation among authorities and it may be useful, before introducing a new
explanation, to summarize briefly the two conflicting conclusions which have most
recently been published.^ H. Ricke maintains that the ribbed columns are not, in
reality, an independent architectural element, but merely reproductions of the project-
ing ends of mud-brick walls overlaid with shields composed of palm-stems in order to
protect them from damage and rubbing caused by passing traffic.^ The term ‘column’
is thus inappropriate, in his opinion, to describe these features. He supposes also that
the ribs were once painted green, the natural colour of the palm-stem, and that the
green has disappeared with the passage of time. Lauer, on the other hand, asserts that
actual supports were intended and that they represent wooden columns imitating the
appearance of bundles of reeds.^ With regard to the fluted columns, Ricke concedes
that a different kind of interpretation from his view of the ribbed ‘columns’ is necessary;
he believes that they represent slender trunks of coniferous trees, the fluted lines being
merely stylized traces of the incisions made by the rounded cutting-edge of the tools
used by the early Eg)^ptians in dressing the surface of the trunk. s Lauer is substantially
in agreement with this explanation in so far as he also regards the fluted columns as
copies of tree-trunks, but he prefers to consider the flutings as an artistic device
intended to give the columns alternate lines of light and shade.^

Of one fact there can be no doubt: the fluted columns were painted red and thus it
is probable that their immediate prototypes were, like those of the papyrus and lily
columns, actually made of wood. If it is to be supposed, as Lauer and Ricke maintain,
that they represent trunks of trees, no earlier stage in their history need be sought. But
is this explanation correct ? In view of the even surface of the log-beams in the ceilings
already mentioned, which are undoubtedly reproductions of tree-trunks, the suggestion
that the flutings represent tool-marks is hardly convincing and the alternative explana-
tion that they were inspired by a desire to emphasize light and shade seems no more
plausible. iMoreover, the pendent leaf-capitals of these columns, as they are represented
in the Northern and Southern Buildings and in the heb-sed chapels (fig. i), cannot easily

' J.-P. Lauer, Etudes cornplementaires sur les monuments du roi Zoser a Saqqarah {Supplement aux Ann. du
Serv., No. 9), p. 36.

- J.-P. Lauer, op. cit., pp. 30-50; H. Ricke, Beitrage zur dgyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde,
Heft 4, pp. 71-84. It is not possible to include here the views expressed by previous writers, a brief summary
of which will be found in Ricke, op. cit., p. 78.

H. Ricke, op. cit., p. 78.

^ J.-P. Lauer, La Pyramide a degres, ill, 64.

= H. Ricke, op. cit., pp. 78-9.

® J.-P. Lauer, op. cit., p. 64; Etudes cornplementaires, p. 42.

SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TO EGYPTIAN ARCHITECTURE

125

be reconciled with any known tree origin. Lauer and Ricke are mani-
festly at greater variance in their views on the ribbed columns, the
former even denying that the term ‘column’ should be used in de-
scribing them. Here again the question of the immediate prototype is
of interest and on this point I am of Lauer’s opinion that the traces of
red paint, w’hich can still be seen on the columns in the Entrance
Colonnade, are not accidental, but as original as the identical traces
on the three other types of column; it follows therefore that I also
agree with him in his contention that the immediate prototype was
a wooden column of similar form. I venture to differ, however, from
both Lauer and Ricke in their interpretations of the
ultimate origin of the ribbed and the fluted columns, and
I believe that the following explanation, offered by Pro-
fessor P. E. Newberry, is far more probable :

‘In 1924 Cecil Firth discovered in the Festival Hall of the
Step Pyramid at Sakkarah fluted and ribbed columns which date
from circa 2800 B.c. ; these have no counterparts in the later
history of Egyptian architecture. Shortly after his discovery,

Firth asked me to visit him at Sakkarah to discuss the origin of
these columns. He told me that he thought they were derived
from bundles of reeds used in primitive buildings to support the
roof and that the capitals showed the tops of the reeds themselves.

“The fluted columns”, he said, “may represent reeds split vertically exposing
the concave interior, packed closely to avoid air spaces, or even bundles of long
grasses or reed leaves embedded in clay”.* “The ribbed columns”, he said, “are
composed of a number of vertical ribs and are therefore the exact opposite of
the fluted columns hitherto met with on the site. They may be described as
fasciculated columns and may be derived from the bundles of reeds used in
primitive buildings to support the roofs. The capitals are peculiar and it is
possible that their original design or appearance was that of the top of the reeds
themselves.”^ I disputed this theory and suggested that the columns were
copied from some umbelliferous plant, perhaps the silphium which is repre-
sented on the coins of Cyrene. But the silphium plant has never been identified
from living specimens and is supposed to be extinct.^ On my return to England
I examined in the Herbariums at Kew and in the Natural Histoiy' Museum all
the species of umbelliferous plants found in North Africa, the Mediterranean

■ See Firth-Quibell, The Step Pyramid, i, 1935, p. 13-

- Ann. Seri'. 26, 98.

^ On the silphium see Else Strantz, Z«r Silphionfrage. The identity of the EiXiiov has been
much disputed. It was valued both as a relish and as a medicine. R. Murdoch Smith and
E. A. Porcher, History of Recent Discoveries at Cyrene, 1864, pp. S7-9, pi. 60, identified
it with Thapsia garganica. It was apparently closely allied to Asafoetida. Hort, Theo-
phrastus, Enquiry into Plants, 1916, ii, 476, identified it with Ferula tingitana. Le Maout
et Decaisne, General System of Botany, 1876, p. 470, mention that the Heracleurn
sphondvlium (Cow Parsnip) of Italy is said to have ‘a sugary' stem, with femtentable juice,
which yields a very intoxicating liquor’. Was this the silphium? In the sixth and fifth
centuries Cyrenaica owed its importance mainly to the export of its famous local herb,
the silphium, and Bdrrov o-iA^ioi’ passed as a proverb among the merchants of Greece.

Fig. I.

Fig. 2.

126

L E. S. EDWARDS

region and western Asia, but found only one — ^the Heracleum giganteum (fig. 2) — which might have
been the original of the fluted column. This species is a native of Asia Minor and the Caucasus.
I later mentioned this to Firth and in The Step Pyramid, text, p. 21, published in 1935, four
years after his death, it is said that “the fluted colunms are more difficult to understand. It would
seem that there existed in Egypt some large umbelliferous plant such as the Heracleum giganteum
now extinct in Egypt.* The root part of the knot from which the leaves spring may have been
used as the capital by reversing the plant, in the primitive huts of the first inhabitants of the Nile

Valley. The plant has, like the papyrus and lotus, been enormously
magnified in size when used as an architectural motif.”

‘Shortly before the 1939-45 war broke out I procured seeds of the
Heracleum giganteum and sowed them in my Surrey garden. This
plant has now spread like a weed and scores have seeded. The central
stems range from 10 to 18 feet in height and 2J inches in diameter at
the base. The stems are hollow and when in the green state are ribbed,
but when dry are beautifully fluted. It is not necessary to turn the
stems upside down, as Firth suggested, for in the natural state the large
broad petioles of the leaves fall downwards covering the upper part of
the stems in precisely the same way as is shown in the Sakkarah capitals.
The only difference is that in the Egx^ptian capitals the petioles are
shown opposite while in the living plant they are alternate: this
can easily be accounted for by the Egyptian love of symmetrical
arrangement.’

.rtlN

rv

A

il

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

In the light of this explanation it is clear that the columns in
question belong to the same architectural family as those which
represent the papyrus and lily plants : all imitate a single stem
of a plant and all have passed through the stage of being repro-
duced in wood before being copied, presumably for the first time by Djoser’s masons,
in stone. A difficult problem, however, still remains to be considered, namely, the possi-
bility of determining the point of time when wooden columns of these types were first
introduced as architectural elements. The evidence available is admittedly sparse and
indirect, but chronologically at least it is consistent. Nothing of predynastic date yet
known suggests that the conception of the plant-column had at that time been realized,
whereas proof of its existence, if only in miniature, has been obtained from tombs of
the Early Dynastic Period. Nearly fifty years ago Petrie found in the ‘tombs’ of Djer
and Udimu at Abydus fragments of ivory cylindrical objects with a fluted decoration
which may have formed supports in some pieces of furniture (fig. 3).^ A fragment of
a wooden model column similarly fluted was found by Firth in a mastaba at Sakkarah
dated to the reign of Udimu, but, as far as I am aware, has never been published. ^
From the Abvdus ‘tomb’ of Kha<^sekhemui an ivorv^ cylinder or model column of an

’ Lauer {Ann. Serv. 27, 116) writes: ‘Ce type de chapiteau, unique dans Tart eg>'ptien, comporte deux
feuilles laterales retombantes embrassant a droite et a gauche le haut du fut cannele : je ne sais de quelle plante
il peut s’agir.’

- W. AI. F. Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii, pis. xxxiv, 73, and xl, 107. Elsewhere at Abydus Petrie subsequently
found fragments of a potter\' cylindrical vase with a fluted exterior which for some reason he believed to be of
foreign origin. Tombs of the Courtiers, p. 5 (pi. iv, ii).

3 Mentioned by Lauer in La Pyramide a degrh, l, 125, n. 3, and Etudes complementaires, p. 50, n. i.

SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TO EGYPTIAN ARCHITECTURE

127

analogous kind but with a ribbed exterior was recovered (fig. 4).^ In the light of Pro-
fessor Newberry’s explanation of Djoser’s ribbed and fluted columns, it seems clear
that these ivory models must be regarded as imitations of the Heracleum plant. Per-
haps the numerous ivory plaques and blue glaxed tiles with ribbed surface found at
Abydus and Hieraconpolis^ are also representations of the same plant-stem cut into
strips and woven into matting ; such an interpretation would account for the difference
between the ribbed and the plain tiles, the latter being representations of smooth-
stemmed reeds. Small stone replicas of lotus-flowers (fig. 5) — all of which are believed
to date from before the end of the Second Dynasty — have been found at Abydus, ^
Sakkarah,"^ and elsewhere.^ At first sight they resemble cups, but, as Petrie remarked,

the hole in the centre is too small for this purpose and the pre-
sence of a raised disk surrounding the top of the hole suggests
that they were the capitals of miniature columns, with the disk
ser\dng to prevent the architrave from damaging the petals of
the flower.^ To these examples of the use of the lotus-plant
must now be added a veiy' remarkable ivory model column con-
sisting of eight lotus-flowers and stems tied in a cluster which
was recently discovered in a tomb of the First Dynasty.^ No
parallel example with the papyrus so employed has yet come to
light ; Amelineau, however, found at Abydus a fragment of wood
with bound papyrus-plants carv^ed in open-work,^ which proves that the decorative
properties of the plant were realized, and the absence of any known instances of model
columns composed of its stems, either singly or in a cluster, may well be attributed to
the chances attending survival and discover}'.

In spite of the plant ancestry which the four types of column shared in common, it
is most probable that the development of the fluted and ribbed kinds, on the one hand,
and of the papyrus- and lily-stem kinds, on the other, resulted from different begin-
nings. This difference is suggested by a marked dissimilarity in the physical structure
of the stems of the actual plants and by the fact that the flowers are not represented
in the fluted and the ribbed columns, but are represented in the papyrus and lily
columns. The Heracleum giganteiim possesses a very long stem of considerable strength
— perhaps equal to bamboo — and could certainly have been used for the skeletons of

' W'. M. F. Petrie, Royal Tombs, ii, pi. xlv, 23.

- A good example of a ribbed ivory plaque appears in Royal Tombs, l, pi. xxxvii, 79 (from the ‘tomb’ of
Ka) ; several other examples are to be found in the same volume and in its sequel. Glazed tiles with ribbing are
illustrated in W. IVI. F. Petrie, Abydos, l, pi. liii, 19-22; id., Abydos, 11, pi. xi, 237; id. and J. E. Quibell,
HierakonpoUs, ii, pi. 32.

3 W. j\I. F. Petrie, Abydos, li, pis. i and vii, 93-5.

■* This specimen, now in an exhibition case in the Cairo Museum, bears the excavator’s number 71299.

= G. Brunton, Qau and Badari, l, li and pi. xviii, 4; Sir \V. M. Flinders Petrie, Guy Brunton, and M. A.
Alurray, Lahiin, il, pi. xliv, 4.

* W. M. F. Petrie, Abydos, ii, 26, who, however, draws a somewhat different conclusion from these observa-
tions.

7 Zaki Saad, Fouilles royales d’Helouan, in Chron. d'Egypte, Xo. 42 (July 1946), pp. 197-8; id.. Illustrated
London Nezcs, June 5, 1948, p. 645.

* E. Amelineau, Les nouvelles fouilles d’ Abydos, iii, pi. 6.

128

I. E. S. EDWARDS

primitive huts or shrines, to be overlaid with reed-matting or animal skins. For such a
use the flowers would obviously have been cut off and only the thicker parts of the
stems would have been required. When the first replicas of these constructions were
produced in wood, the carpenters and carvers were therefore copying faithfully some-
thing which actually existed. Papyrus and lily stems, by reason of their lack of strength,
could not have been used for constructional skeletons and the presence of the floral
capitals on the columns which represent these plants shows that their origin is not to
be found in any kind of weight-bearing pillar or support. Nevertheless, flowers may
well have been attached to caskets and also to parts of buildings for the purpose of
decoration; indeed, the floral frieze on the serekh of the stela of Wadji in the Louvre
gives every reason to suppose that this was so. In such a setting, being merely embel-
lishments, they possessed no structural significance. Their employment as major
architectural elements, however, is readily explained if it is regarded as having been
inspired by the aesthetic success which attended the initial reproductions of the Hera-
cleum giganteum in wood and ivoiyq the plant-motif having been established, variations
involving the introduction of new species — even those which were unsuitable in the
natural state — were, indeed, only to be expected when artificial materials were used.
While it cannot be demonstrated that this development occurred in the Early Dynastic
Period and not previously, the earliest known evidence comes from tombs of that time,
and if, as is by no means unlikely, the first papyrus- and lily-columns were embodied
in caskets and only subsequently employed architecturally, the reasons, whatever their
nature, which led to the great elaboration in the style of tomb furniture at that date
may well have supplied the impetus.

( 129 )

UN DETAIL DE LA DECORATION D’UNE TOMBE
THEBAINE: UN VASE AVEC UNE REPRE-
SENTATION DE CHEVAUX

Par G. NAGEL

Sir a. H. Gardiner s’est toujours occupe des tombes thebaines et au cours de sa carriere
il a travaille autant a les faire mieux connaitre qu’a les proteger. Un petit detail de ces
tombes pent done trouver sa modeste place dans Thommage rendu au doyen si actif de
notre science.

Si je publie ce detail, je ne I’ai, cependant, pas decouvert moi-meme. Quelques
annees apres la publication d’un article sur des vases decores de cbevaux' M. (i.
Jequier me montrait dans ses notes le croquis d’un vase decore de la sorte t|u’il avait
releve lorsque, avant 1914, il etudiait de plus pres la decoration des tombes thebaines.
C’est en 1939 seulement que j’ai pu visiter cette tombe et dcssiner ce detail. J’eus la
surprise de decouvrir que M. N. de G. Davies qui, mieux que personne, connaissait
toutes ces tombes, ne I’avait point encore remarque.

La tombe d’Ouserhet (No. 56) appartient au regne d’Amenophis II. Plusieurs des
scenes civiles qui la decorent ont ete publiees, entre autres par Wreszinski, mais les
representations religieuses ne semblent pas avoir retenu I’attention des chercheurs. La
scene a laquelle appartient le detail que je publie ici, se trouve sur la paroi ouest de la
seconde chambre au sud du No. 10 dans le plan de Porter et Moss.

Les deux registres principaux (cf. pi. XII, i) representent les porteurs d'offrandcs et
de mobilier funeraire qui se dirigent vers le fond de la tombe. Dans le registre interme-
diaire deux motifs alternent, separes par de legeres colonnes de bois a chapiteau papvri-
forme, d’une part, cinq corbeilles (ou de grands vases de terre) remplies de pains ronds
sur toute la hauteur du registre, auxquels se melent parfois des sarments de vigne avec
feuilles et grappes; de I’autre un groupe ou predominent les vases. A la partie supe-
rieure il y a quatre grandes cruches decorees, posees sur des supports de bois, dies n’ont
point de bouchons. En bas il y a regulierement a gauche une coupe profonde contenant
un grand gateau pointu, et sur les trois autres quarts de la largeur, une table basse sur
laquelle sont poses, de gauche a droite, de la nourriture variee dans une grande cor-
beille, un autel portatif et un gateau pointu pose dans une coupe.

Les colonnes pourraient n’etre que des motifs decoratifs de separation, mais j’y
verrais plus volontiers une construction provisoire en materiaux legers, pour mettre a
I’abri du soleil les provisions solides et liquides destinees a ceux qui participent a la

' G. Xagel, Quelques representations de chezaux sur des poteries du Xouzel Empire, Bull. Inst.fr. 30, pp. 1S5 a
194; 7 figures et i planche.

130 G. NAGEL

ceremonie funeraire. Plus tard ou ailleurs, on voit de petits pavilions qui remplissent
le meme office d

Le groupe qui nous interesse paiticulierement (pi. XII, 2) est celui qui se trouve pres-
qu’au centre de la figure i. Les grands vases a vin ou a biere sont tous decores;
si un seul est paiticulierement interessant, les autres peuvent nous dormer une idee
des motifs assez simples qui se rencontrent ailleurs dans cette scene. Tous ont deux
bandes decorees limitees par les lignes horizontales habituelles. Sur le col ce sont
toujours des petales stylises, mais sur la pause il y a plus de variete. Le vase de gauche
est orne de trois rangs de cercles, ceux du milieu etant plus grands que les autres ; le
second porte des chevaux representes au repos et esquisses en quelques traits rapides ;
le troisieme a des rinceaux encadres de lignes obliques ; sur le dernier, enfin, nous avons
un motif qui se rencontre souvent dans la ceramique decoree en Eg}^pte : un sarment
de vigne court autour du vase, au-dessus et au-dessous des feuilles et des grappes de
raisin alternent.

Les couleurs sont reduites a leur plus simple expression, le contour des vases et des
supports est en rouge vif ainsi que les lignes horizontales principales de la decoration,
le reste est d’un rouge plus clair. Je ne crois pas que ce soient la les couleurs reelles
des objets. Nous devons avoir, en realite, des vases d’une terre brun clair avec un
decor noir et rouge comme le vase au chevaux du Musee du Caire que j’ai releve,^ ou
celui, ome de deux vaches et d’un taureau, que Keimer vient de publier.^ Ces vases
peuvent avoir, a I’occasion, quelques details en bleu comme le vase de Berlin dont nous
aliens parler. Le style de la tombe d’Ouserhet n’est pas tres soigne, et cela explique
facilement que ces vases aient ete reproduits aussi schematiquement.

Cette scene est, a ma connaissance, la seule ou nous puissions voir reproduit un vase
orne de chevaux et e’est ce qui fait son interet. Les exemples au naturel de vases
decores de la sorte ne sont pas nombreux. J’avais cru autrefois reunir tous ceux qui
etaient connus, mais, par je ne sais quelle aberration, j’avais neglige un tres bel exem-
plaire du Musee de Berlin qui etait pourtant public depuis plusieurs annees et meme
en couleur.'’^ Grace a I’obligeance du Dr. Anthes, alors assistant au Musee de Berlin,
j’avais eu des photographies de I’objet et des indications sur les couleurs de la decora-
tion. Je profite de cette occasion pour publier, d’apres ces documents, la partie de la
decoration qui n’est pas reproduite par Schafer.

Sur ce vase, nous avons deux motifs decoratifs separes et limites par trois bandes
horizontales, formees chacune de deux lignes noires et de deux rouges encadrant une
ligne bleue. Sur le col nous avons en noir des petales stylises. Sur la panse sont repre-
sentes deux chevaux tournes vers la droite. Ils sont separes par deux motifs de remplis-
sage, d’un cote e’est une sorte de bouquet monte forme par une armature de roseaux
d’ou sort une fleur de lotus, autour de I’armature jaillissent des feuilles qui rappellent
celles du lierre. Du pied vers la gauche, sort une tige aboutissant a un cercle qui doit

’ Cf. Wreszinski, At/as, i, pis. 278, 281, sur la pi. 260 nous avons, comme ici, une rangee de colonnes, mais
elles n’abritent que de grandes amphores.

2 Voir, p. 129, n. 1. ^ Keimer, The Decoration of a Nezv Kingdom Vase, JNES 8, pp. i ff., pis. 1-4.

Schafer- Andrae, Die Kunst des alien Orients. Propylden Kunstgeschichte, ll, pi. 19.

DETAIL DE LA DECORATION D’UNE TOMBE THEBAINE 13 i

representer soit une fleur, soit une feuille de lotus, mais dans un cas comme dans
I’autre la figuration me semble exceptionnelle. A I’oppose nous avons un signe de vie
qui tient toute la hauteur du registre ; il est muni de bras qui tiennent des sceptres. ^
Le cheval reproduit par Schafer se dresse a demi sur ses pattes de derriere, celui que
je donne ici est en pleine course. L’un et Tautre ont autour de la tete une corde dont
I’extremite retombe entre les jambes de devant. Les deux ont I’avant-train convert

Fig. I. Vase du Alusee de Berlin.

d’un quadrillage noir et rouge qui semble representer un harnachement, mais je ne
vois pas de parallele dans les nombreuses representations de chevaux que nous posse-
dons. L’arriere-train est orne de taches noires et rouges comme c’est souvent le cas.
Ces deux chevaux ont belle allure, mais ils me paraissent d’un style moins bon que
ceux du vase du Caire. La maniere dont I’avant-train est reproduit donne une certaine
lourdeur a I’ensemble.

Depuis la publication de mon article dans le Bull, hist.fr. j’ai eu entre les mains les
tres nombreux fragments de poteries decorees trouves dans les fouilles du village de
Deir el Medineh, mais je n’en ai point trouves qui attestent un nouvel exemple de ce
genre de decoration.

* Ce meme motif se retrouve dans la meme position sur un fragment du \Iusee du Caire (Cat. No. 2754)
que j’ai reproduit. Op. cit., fig. 4, p. i8g.

AN EGYPTIAN STATUETTE IN MALTA

By ROSALIND MOSS

The spread of Egyptian culture outside the Nile valley has been the subject of much
discussion and speculation. Palestine and Syria fall into a special category, and may be
considered as almost part of the Empire, but how many inscribed monuments of
Ancient Egyptian origin have actually been discovered in other Mediterranean coun-
tries? The most important are those of monumental proportions which were trans-
ported in classical and later times to embellish public squares and the Hke ; such are
the obelisks and sphinxes in Istanbul, Rome, and Cagliari (Sardinia), and the sphinxes
of Amenophis III and Sethos I in the Dalmatian Palace of Diocletian at Split. A
considerable number of statues, inostly of the Saite or Graeco-Roman periods, found
their way to Rome, many of them serving to adorn the Villa of Hadrian and similar
buildings, and are now in the Vatican, the Capitoline Museum, and other Italian
collections. Inscribed vases travelled to the islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete,
from the Old Kingdom onwards, and small objects of an ornamental or magical nature
were traded round the Mediterranean, a large number of these being imported to the
Rhone valley in connexion with the cult of Isis in Graeco-Roman times. But con-
sidering the long period covered by the history of Egypt, and the enormous number
of monuments produced, it is surprising that so few inscribed objects of Pre-Saite date
survive outside its borders. Sculptured blocks used as ship’s ballast have turned up at
Marseilles and other ports, but complete stelae are almost entirely absent, except for
four in the British Museum (nos. 218, 233, 287, 299) said to have come from Malta,i
and apart from those in Italy already mentioned, there seem to be only some dozen
statues known. These include two dating from the Middle Kingdom, namely, a granite
statuette of Keri from a Byzantine cemetery in Asia Minor, now in Ankara Museum,^
and a diorite statue of User discovered in the Palace of Minos by Sir Arthur Evans,^
now in Candia Museum. The New Kingdom is represented by a Nineteenth Dynasty
statue of Wennofre from Greece now in the Athens Museum,'^ a statue of Tuthmosis I
found near the harbour at Cherchel in Algeria in 1848, now in the Museum,^ and the
small group of Nefer'abu in Malta which is the subject of this article.

In the Museum at Valetta is a small limestone statue representing a standing man
in a long pleated skirt, holding a seated group consisting of Re'-Harakhti and Ma^et
with an uraeus between them. The total height is i6| inches, with a maximum width
of 5 1 inches at the shoulders, and there are inscriptions down the back, round the
base, and on the stand supporting the two deities (see PI. XIII). I am indebted to the
Chevalier Scicluna of the Valetta Museum who kindly supplied the photographs

‘ ‘ Found at Bighi in 1829 in removing rubbish for the erection of the new Naval Hospital at Malta
Wilkinson MSS. xvii, G. 2.

2 Von der Osten in AJSL 43, 293, figs. 11-13. ^ The Palace of Minos at Knossos, 1, 288, fig. 220.

+ Text, Legrain in Rec. trav. 31, 202 f. = Gauckler, Muse'e de Cherchel, pi. 2 (i).

AN EGYPTIAN STATUETTE IN MALTA

133

reproduced here and other details, and to Dr. Erik Iversen who was good enough to
give me his hand-copies of the texts, made when he visited the museum.

Little is known of the history of the group, which was discovered in the neighbouring
island of Gozo in 1713, and is described by Caruana in an article entitled ‘Phoenician
and Roman Antiquities in the Group of the Islands at Malta’ (Malta, 1882), p. 32 : '‘An
Egyptian Triad borne by Talamifera, carved in Malta stone, i ft. 2 in. high. Osiris,
bearing an Ibis head with a cavity in the vertex, is sitting on the right ; Isis on the left ;
and Orus with a falcon’s head in the middle. The sides and the front of the pedestal
are covered with hieroglyphics of which Dr. Lepsius, in 1842, pronouncing it to be a
sepulchral monument, promised an interpretation. It was discovered at Gozo in 1713.’
The details of this description are rather quaint, the author having mistaken the
uraeus between the divinities for a figure of Horus forming a triad, and the falcon head
of Re<-Harakhti for that of an ibis. When Lepsius visited Malta in September 1842,
the statue was in the Biblioteca di Lavalette, and he published a small sketch of it with
some of the inscriptions.^ It was also seen by Professor Sayce, who has left a rough
copy of the text on an odd sheet among his papers, now in the Griffith Institute at
Oxford, describing it incorrectly as a ‘stela in Malta’.

The man represented in the statuette is a certain Nefer^abu, Servant in the Place of
Truth. On the back-pillar is an offering formula addressed to Amen-Req King of the

Gods, and Mut, the Great One, the Lady of Asher Y

I (3^ HI ® • Round the base of the whole group runs a single line of text containing

a double formula, beginning in the middle of the plinth, the left half addressed to Re'-
Harakhti, Great God, King of the Ennead, and the right half to Ma'et, daughter of Req
Lady of Heaven, Mistress of all the gods, the two deities wffiose images he is carrying,

in favour of Nefer^abu. Right half:

1 (sic)

It-]

Left half: The

formulae round the edge of the seat are addressed to Amen-Re^ and Mut, the left half
for Nefer^abu, and the right for his father Neferronpet. Left half: :

Right half: Down ‘he front of the

support of the seat are two columns of text with the epithets of Re^-Harakhti

and Ma'et respectively, corresponding to the

two statuettes above. The remaining texts are on the sides of the stand, that on the
(spectator’s) left being *his son, making his name to live,

Neferronpet, justified’ ; that on the (spectator’s) right f be-
loved brother, 'Anhotpe, well justified in peace’. Professor Gunn kindly collated these
texts from the photographs with the copies of Professor Sayce and Dr. Iversen, and
I am most grateful for his help.

’ Leps. Denkm., Text, v, 396.

^ The words between ^ and are not repeated, see the photograph.

ROSALIND MOSS

134

This Nefer<abu, son of Neferronpet, with a son also named Neferronpet, and a
brother <Anhotpe, is the owner of Tomb no, 5 at Thebes, published by Vandier, La
Tombe de Nefer-abou {Mem. Inst, fr., LXix, 1935), who has collected all other known
monuments of the same man, and gives a list of his relatives including the three men-
tioned here. According to the evidence of an ostracon in the British Museum (no.
5634),! he Uved in the reign of Ramesses II. Objects bearing his name come either
from his tomb, which seems to have been discovered between 1883 and 1886, though it
may have been pillaged earlier, or from a Theban votive chapel, as discussed by Vandier,
op. cit., pp. 1-4. As our statue was discovered
in 1713, it may have been a votive offering in
some shrine or temple, presumably at Thebes.

One other inscription of Nefer^abu not known
by Vandier maybe mentioned here. In the manu-
script note-books of Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson,
on permanent loan to the Griffith Institute at
Oxford (Wilkinson MSS. V. 126), is a drawing
of the base of a statue or column dedicated by
the Sen'ant in the Place of Truth, Nefer^abu (see
fig. i). Above are four cartouches, consisting
of the prenomen and nomen of Amenophis I,
and the cartouches of Queen 'Ahmose-Nefer-
tere and of Merytamun. (The signs above the
wavy line, drawn in red ink in Wilkinson’s copy,
are evidently a reconstruction.) The last-named
princess is not the daughter of Tuthmosis III
whose tomb was found by Mr. Winlock at Der el-Bahri, but an earlier princess of the
same name, a daughter of Amosis and <Ahmose-Nefertere, with whom she is asso-
ciated in cult-scenes, see Gauthier, Le Livre des Rots, li, 192-3. She also appears with
her brother Sipair on a stela-fragment at Ashmunen, published in Roeder, Vorldufiger
Bericht . . . Hermopolis- Expedition 19JJ und ig32, p. 39, Abb, 19. The worship of these
Eighteenth Dynasty members of the royal family by Theban officials was prevalent in
the Nineteenth Dynasty, and in Nefer^abu’s tomb there is a representation of Ameno-
phis I offering to divinities,^ which makes it likely that Wilkinson’s fragment belongs
to the same man. In the note-book it is described as ‘from Jannis, Thebes’, meaning
that it was then in the possession of Giovanni d’Athanasi, the well-known agent who
procured antiquities for Salt in the early nineteenth century. It would be interesting
to know whether it still survives, and whether it is now among the unpublished objects
in some museum or private collection.

Vandier, op. cit., p. 72.

^ Ibid. pis. 12, 13.

A PROPOS D’UN GROUPE DU SERAPEUM DE
MEMPHIS CONSERVE AU MUSEE DU LOUVRE

By JACQUES VAXDIER

Le groupe qui fait Fobjet du present article doit etre entre au Musee du Louvre avec
Fensemble du Serapeum, au milieu du siecle dernier. II est, en tout cas, mentionne, et
meme partiellement reproduit en photographie, dans le volume de Mariette sur le
Serapeum. I Ce groupe se compose de deux personnages tenant devant eux une stele.-
Le style en est si grossier qu’on est tente de supposer que le monument a ete abandonne
alors qu’il etait a peine degrossi, et qu’il n’a jamais, a I’exception de la stele, ete termine.
Les deux personnages sont si exactement semblables qu’il est a peu pres impossible de
dire si le dedicataire, Nesptah, est represente a cote d’une femme ou a cote d’un homme.
L’artiste, en effet, n’a pas cru utile de detailler les costumes, et nous n’avons aucun
element qui nous permette d’etablir une distinction. Les visages, tres ronds et gros-
sierement sculptes, sont encadres, Fun et Fautre, par une perruque courte qui cache
les oreilles et qui affecte, vaguement, la forme d’une calotte. ■ Les deux personnages
sont assis sur leurs jambes repliees, et ont le dos appuye contre un pilier dorsal qui
fait, avec le socle, un angle sensiblement obtus; aussi les personnages donnent-ils
Fimpression d’etre a moitie couches. Ils soutiennent, de leurs mains avancees, la
st^e, ou, plutot, le bloc de pierre dont la stHe n’a pas ete entierement degagee, bloc
qui se confond avec les genoux des personnages : les mains qui sont a Finterieur sont
posees a plat sur ce bloc, et les mains qui sont a Fexterieur sont posees sur la tranche
de la partie non degrossie de la stele. Celle-ci est, sans aucun doute, Felement le plus
important de notre monument. Elle est d’une forme vaguement rectangulaire, etant
un peu plus etroite au sommet qu’a la base. Le sommet est rectiligne, et sur la partie
plate est gravee une table d’offrandes

La face anterieure de la stele se divise en deux parties inegales. En haut, sont graves,
en tres leger relief dans le creux, de petits tableaux que nous decrirons de gauche a
droite :

1° Le signe de FOccident du pavois s’echappent deux grandes ailes, s’ouvrant
de fa9on que la plume du signe ^ soit couchee sur la partie superieure de Faile qui
lui correspond. L’ Occident, ainsi aile, protege

2° le taureau Apis > couche. L’Apis porte le disque solaire entre ses deux comes
qui, de profil, ressemblent a un croissant de lune. Aucun des signes distinctifs du
taureau memphite n’a ete indique par le sculpteur. Au-dessus de FApis est grave son
nom <— i’Osiris Apis.

3° La nebride d’Anubis; la peau est simplement silhouettee.

' Mariette, Le S&ape'um de Memphis, Paris, 1857, p. 18 et pi. 25, 2.

^ Seule la stele est reproduite sur la photographie de Mariette.

136

JACQUES VANDIER

4° Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, debout dans un naos a toit bombe. Le dieu -«— <« est coiffe de
la couronne blanche de Haute-Eg>'^pte, et il est enveloppe dans un linceul dont seuls
emergent les avant-bras et les mains ; celles-ci tiennent un sceptre, sans doute le sceptre
Olios, qui est traite, ici, comme s’il s’agissait de la lettre p.

La partie inferieure de la stele est occupee par une inscription de sept lignes horizon-

tales: '

■i = 1 Oi ’

tl sA
■+ k:

.1

L'imakhy aupres de Ptah-Sokar-Osiris et de V Apis vivant, heraut de Ptah, lepere divin
de Ptah le prophete Nesptah, juste de voix, de la maison de Mout, qui est d la tete de ^Abouy
Neterou (a), fils du wr-hrp-hmwi; (b), du pretre sem de Ptah, Chedsounefertem. (C’est)
son fils qui fait vivre son nom, le phe divin de Ptah, Chedsounefertem, juste de voix. Sa
mere, Tadenitenbast, fille du ph-e divin de Ptah, le prophete Djedptahioufcankh, de la
maison d'Hathor, maitresse du sycomore du Sud (c). Son frere, le pere divin de Ptah,
Djedptahioufcankh.

(a) ^Abouy Neterou. — D’apres Gauthier, Diet, geog., I, 140-1, il s’agit d’une ville consacree a la
deesse Mout et rattachee, a partir de Ptolemee XI, au nome supplementaire de Basse-Eg\'pte

qui etait situe au Sud-Est du Delta, pres des nomes heliopolitain et memphite. Gauthier ajoute que,
d’apres Brugsch et d’apres Budge, la ville aurait ete voisine de Memphis, mais il se refuse, person-
nellement, a dormer des precisions sur la situation de cette localite. Il semble, cependant, que
Abouy Neterou, ‘les comes des dieux’, n’ait pas du etre tres eloignee de Memphis puisqu’elle est
citee, sur le groupe du Louvre, dans une inscription dont I’origine memphite ne fait aucun doute.

(b) Ce titre, que Ton traduit, generalement, par ‘le conducteur en chef des artisans’ est le titre
distinctif des grands pretres de jVIemphis. Junker, Die Gbtterlehre von Memphis, dans Abh. Berlin,
1940, pp. 28-9, a interprete ce titre autrement {le conducteur des artisans du Grand, le Grand etant,
d’apres Junker, une designation du dieu Ptah), mais son opinion a ete vivement combattue par
Gardiner, Onomastica, ii, 269* et par Maystre, dans une these de doctorat, encore inedite.

(c) La ville du Sycomore, ou la ville du Sycomore du Sud, est le nom d’un faubourg, situe au Sud
de IMemphis, et qui etait consacre a la deesse Hathor (cf. Gauthier, op. cit., iii, 97).

Cette stele ne donne, en fait, qu’une genealogie, dont la personnalite marquante est,
evidemment, Chedsounefertem, grand pretre de Ptah a Memphis. Le personnage est
loin d’etre inconnu. Il figure entre un 'Ankhenefsekhmet et un Chechonq dans la liste
des grands pretres memphites qui nous a ete conservee par une stele du Serapeump
il est egalement cite sur une stele de Cleveland,^ et, surtout, sur une statue du Caire,^
la seule qui nous donne des renseignements sur la famille du grand pretre, avec une
statue, inedite, conservee dans une collection particuliere.'^ Sans entrer dans le detail

' N° 3429 = Chassinat, Rec. trav. 22, 16—17, liv.

- C. Ransom Williams, The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, v (Oct.-Nov. 1918), pp. 67—9. Je tiens
a remercier vivement M. W. Milliken, Directeur du IMusee de Cleveland, qui m’a envoye, avec une grande
amabilite, un tire a part de Tarticle de C. Ransom Williams et une photographie de la stele.

^ Caire 741 = Cat. Borchardt, sub num.; Daressy, Rec. trav. 18, 46-8.

Cette statue ne m’est pas connue ; elle m’a ete signalee par Ch. Maystre, a qui je suis heureux d’adresser,
ici, tous mes remerciements pour les renseignements qu’il a bien voulu me foumir sur le grand pretre Ched-
sounefertem. Ch. Maystre, lui-meme, n’avait connu les inscriptions de ce groupe que par tme copie que
Grdseloff lui avait amicalement communiquee.

GROUPE DU SfiRAPEUM DE MEMPHIS AU LOUVRE 137

de cette genealogie, on doit signaler que Chedsounefertem etait le fils du grand pretre
de Ptah, 'Ankhenefsekhmet, qui le preceda immediatement dans cette charge, d’apres
la stele 3429 du Serapeum (cf. supra), et qu’il avait epouse une sceur de Nemrod, pere
de Chechonq I".' Chedsounefertem se trouve done etre I’oncle du fondateur de la
XXI P Dynastie, et il exer9a, certainement, ses hautes functions sacerdotales sous le
regne de son neveu, comme le prouve un bloc de Mitrahine.^ D’apres la stUe 741 du
Caire, les fils de Chedsounefertem s’appelaient Chechonq et 'Achaoutakh, et ses filles
Tadenitenbast et Tacheritenmout.

Revenons, maintenant, au groupe du Louvre, dont le dedicataire se dit fils de Ched-
sounefertem. II n’est pas impossible, a priori, que le grand pretre ait eu, en plus des
deux fils mentionnes par la statue 741 du Caire, un troisieme fils, appele Nesptah.
Mais, dans ce cas, on doit admettre qu’il avait eu un quatrieme fils, puisque Nesptah,
sur son groupe du Louvre, cite le nom d’un de ses freres, appele Djedptahioufiankh.
Aussi est-il, sans doute, preferable de supposer que le mot zi doit etre pris, ici, au sens
plus large de petit-fils ou de descendant. La premiere acception semble, d’abord, la
plus seduisante. Nous savons, en effet, que Chedsounefertem avait une fille, Tadeniten-
bast, qui porte le meme nom que la mere de Nesptah. Malheureusement, sur le groupe
du Louvre, il est bien precise que le pere de Tadenitenbast, done le grand-pere
de Nesptah, s’appelait, non pas Chedsounefertem, mais Djedptahioufiankh. On est
done oblige de renoncer a cette hypothese. La deuxieme acception est, d’ailleurs, con-
firmee par une note de Mariette, dans I’ouvrage cite au debut de cet article. ^ Mariette,
en effet, mentionne notre monument parmi ceux qui sont contemporains du troisieme
Apis de la XXII® Dynastie. Cet Apis est mort en I’an 28 de Chechonq III, e’est-a-dire
en 795, plus d’un siecle apres la mort (929) du roi Chechonq I®'", qui etait, comme nous
I’avons vu, le neveu du grand pretre Chedsounefertem. Si la date indiquee par Mariette
est exacte, il est evident que notre Nesptah ne pent etre qu’un descendant eloigne de
Chedsounefertem, dont il est separe par quatre ou cinq generations. Aucun document,
a ma connaissance, ne vient confirmer I’affirmation de Mariette, ce qui n’implique pas
qu’elle soit inexacte. J’ai parcouru les inscriptions des steles du Serapeum conservees
au Musee du Louvre le nom de Nesptah et celui de Chedsounefertem y apparaissent
souvent (surtout a I’epoque perse), mais, nulle part, je n’ai pu trouver une genealogie
qui corresponde a celles que nous ont conservees la statue 741 du iVlusee du Caire et le
groupe du Louvre. Aussi, avant de conclure, est-on en droit de se demander s’il n’y
a pas eu deux grands pretres appeles Chedsounefertem, I’un ayant vecu sous Chechonq
I®'", et, I’autre, sous Chechonq III. La liste des grands pretres, qui se trouve sur la
stUe 3429 du Serapeum ne permet guere de s’arreter a une telle hypothese. Cependant,
une autre stUe du Serapeum (n° 4039) cite un grand pretre Chedsounefertem, qui est

' Sa femme s’appelait, non pas Tachepenast, comme on I’a pretendu souvent, mais Tapechenast, comme I’a
demontre Grdseloff en collationnant I’original (cf. Ann. Serv. 47, 212-13).

^ Brugseh, Thesaurus, p. 817 et p. 949 (le monument est reproduit, par erreur, deux fois). Cette reference
m’a ete aimablement communiquee par Ch. Maystre.

^ Le Serapeum de Memphis, p. 18, n. 3.

Ce travail m’a ete facilite grace aux excellentes copies etablies par G. Posener, ]M. INIalinine et J. Vercoutter
en \aie de la publication de ces steles.

138 JACQUES VANDIER

fils, non pas de 'Ankhenefsekhmet, comme le Chedsounefertem de la statue 741 du
Musee du Caire, mais d’un prophete, appele Pahenuieter. Mais cette stele est sensible-
ment posterieure au regne de Chechonq et Ch. Maystre, dans sa these, encore
inedite, a montre qu’on ne pent, en aucune maniere, se fier aux genealogies, des qu’elles
sont faites, et c’est le cas ici, deux ou trois generations apres I’epoque ou a vecu le
personnage cite. II semble done qu’il ne faille pas faire une trop grande confiance au
document, d’ailleurs tres fragmentaire, auquel il vient d’etre fait allusion, et il est
probable que le Chedsounefertem qu’il mentionne est bien I’oncle de Chechonq E"".
Signalons, enfin, pour etre complet, qu’une stele de Berlin^ mentionne, cote a cote, un
grand pretre Chedsounefertem, un prophete Nesptah et un ['Ankh]enefsekhmet (ce
dernier ne porte aucun titre). Malheureusement, la stele n’est pas datee, et elle ne
precise pas les liens de parente qui existent entre les trois personnages cites. Elle ne
nous permet done pas de resoudre le petit probleme genealogique que nous nous etions
pose. Il n’est pas possible, en effet, de rattacher, d’une maniere certaine, le Nesptah
du groupe du Louvre au grand pretre Chedsounefertem, dont il se proclame, cepen-
dant, le fils. Il est vraisemblable, dans ces conditions, d’admettre que Nesptah a
vecu reellement sous le regne de Chechonq III, et que, s’il a nomme, dans son inscrip-
tion, le grand pretre Chedsounefertem, e’etait uniquement parce que cette illustre
ascendance avait ete conservee, dans sa famille, comme une precieuse tradition. Les
differentes hypotheses qui ont ete exposees dans cet article ont simplement prouve,
une fois de plus, combien il etait difficile, en se fondant sur des documents ^gyptiens,
de dresser, particulierement a I’epoque pre-saite, une genealogie sure.

' Berlin 8169 = Brugsch, Thesaurus, pp. 811-13 et Ag. Inschr. Berlin, ii, 232-4.

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS OF THE ROYAL

FAMILY OF NAPATA

By DOWS DUNHAM and M. F. LAMING MACADA:VI

The researches and excavations of Professor F. LI. Griffith and the Griffith Institute,
and the work of Professor George A. Reisner and the Har\"ard-Boston Expedition, have
added greatly to the body of information now available on the history of Kush and its
rulers from the beginning of the Twenty-fifth Egyptian Dynasty to the fall of Meroe.
This paper is an attempt to present that part of the evidence which bears on the early
period of Kushite culture, from Alara (a predecessor of Kashta) to Nastasen, called by
us the Napatan Kingdom and dating from early in the eighth to the beginning of the
third centur}^ B.c.

Reisner’s excavations in the cemeteries of Kurru and Nuri, and his work at the
temples of Gebel Barkal, have established the archaeological sequence of the majority
of the tombs of the kin gs and queens of this period, have identified by inscribed finds
the people buried in many of them, and have thrown much light on their relationships.
Further evidence on these matters has come from the work of the Griffith Institute,
especially at Kawa.

For some years previous to the last war the second of the two writers contributing
this article was engaged in preparing a memoir on Professor Griffith’s excavations at
Kawa from the papers he left at his death. The volume dealing with the inscriptions
will be published shortly and may even have seen publication before the appearance
of this volume of the Journal. The inscriptions considered there are mainly from the
Napatan and Meroitic periods. They fall into a sequence providing a number of what
have hitherto been called ‘Late Ethiopian’ inscriptions illustrating the gradual dis-
appearance of Egyptian from the Sudan as a written language and its replacement by
Meroitic. The task of publishing both these and the archaeological material from
Kawa brought the writer into touch with Dows Dunham, who has at his disposal all
the unpublished files of Professor George A. Reisner’s extensive researches in the
Sudan. As a result he (Macadam) has come to feel a lively interest in Meroitic and its
successor, Nubian, and has for some time been convinced of the desirability of try ing
to further the study of these in the hope that a better understanding of Meroitic at
least may yield something of value for the history of the Hamitic and perhaps other
groups of African languages geographically situated near to Egypt, as well as for the
history of the Sudan. To study Meroitic is not necessarily to stray from the paths of
Egyptology, for Egyptian, largely Semitic as it is, nevertheless contains at least a
modicum (some scholars say much more) of Hamitic, and what is to the profit of one
may ultimately prove to be to the profit of the other.

Anyone seeking to explain the cultural inheritance of Napata and Meroe sees at once

140

DOWS DUNHAM AND M. F. LAMING MACADAM

that almost all that was received came bv wav of Egypt. The easiest approach to the
Meroitic language, it seems logical to suppose, lies through a study of the Napatan
inscriptions, which, as their style of Egvptian degenerates, may occasionally let fall
some hint, historical or grammatical, of what is to come. The personal names of the
Napatan period, roval and otherwise, to be seen there, should be found to form a series
merging smoothlv int(j the Meroitic, and it is encouraging to be able to report that
some of the Napatan names can be translated as Meroitic. For the moment we do not
wish to enlarge on this point, for there is insufficient space to discuss problems of
.Meroitic grammar and phonetics which arise. During the past vear or more we have
been pooling our information and attempting to arrive at agreed conclusions on tw'o
matters: the se(.[uence and relationship of the roval personages, and the adoption of
‘pronounceable forms’ tor the writing ot their names.

'The second ot these we have alreadv touched on. Briefiv stated, the problem is this.
I'rom Dvn. XX\’, in both Egvpt and Nubia, the personal names of kings are no longer
all Fgvptian. Egvpt needed to spell, as nearlv alphabeticallv as she was able in hiero-
glvphic and demotic, the foreigit names of her Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers. In
Nubia the s\stem .is used in hierogK phic was applied to the native names of the rulers
of the N.ipatan .uul Meroitic periods. For Napatan, Persian, Greek, and Roman names
consonants presented no great difficultv, but vowels could be indicated onlv vaguelv bv
the Use of y, ', u\ and combinations of these, as matres lectionis. With Meroitic,
although the signs employed are different, the svstem is the same, the signs formerly
supposed to indicate vow els being mere counters, denoting the presence of vowels but
very little about their nature. Our problem is that whereas with the Persian, Greek,
.ind Roman names we alreadv know their Persian, Greek, and Roman forms, so that
their transcription presents no difficulty, with the Napatan and Meroitic names we

h.ive verv r.irelv anv such guide. It is as though we were confronted with Mv, 4^^

and h.iving no guartlian spirit to whisper ‘.Xlexandros’ could onlv perpetrate at worst
1 i.Ki -tMU Rf- or at best \l \K'\Ni>R\' as ‘pronounceable form’. If our pronounceable
tonus look bi/.irre, therefore, let it be remembered that thev are but a temporarv
expedient (how temporary ilepends on the rate ot advancement of the studv of Meroi-
ticb tlesigned to last onK until further knowledge shall warrant a new attempt. Inevit-
ab!\ the re.iding-; of .1 number ot names remain tentative, as indicated bv the svmbol
eitlur bee. line the inscriptional evii,lence is maelequate or because some as vet
imperfectK understood point ot gramm.ir is involved.

.\> to the relationship' of the Napatan rulers it should be explained that in The
Tmiphs uf Aiocu, I, M.icadam has ess.ived .1 genealogical reconstruction of the earlier
part of the Napat.m dvn.ntv using only in>criptional eeidence either hitherto published
or freshlv obt,iin< di troin the K.nva inscriptions. It was intended as a textual skeleton
ti' be given archi.ie oiogica! t1esh at a later strge. In the genealogv published here the
skclcton so dressed. To it Dunham has addeei manv more names the evidence for
the position ot which mainly arch.-coloehcal. In a number of c.ises relationships,
esptaiahv of Imsband .md wate. arc in doubt, although in stich cases the ven.^ clear

Plate XV

Plate XVI

NAPATAN ROYAL NAMES

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS, ROYAL FAIMILY, NAPATA 141

archaeological evidence for the sequence of the tombs at Kurru and Nuri has supple-
mented the inscriptional material. Despite these imperfections we have felt that the
amount of evidence at our disposal was sufficient to warrant publication of our results
at this stage.

In the following pages we list the names in the alphabetical order of their ‘pronounce-
able forms’, men in capitals and women in small type. The names of kings, which are
underlined, are followed by a number in round brackets ( ) indicating their places in
the chronological series. The place of burial, where known, is indicated, and also such
relationships as can be established. Finally we give the inscriptional evidence for the
identification of the names on the accompanying plates of hieroglvphs, reference to
which in the text is given in square brackets [ ] . The original direction of writing has
not always been preserved, the object being merely to collect the diflFerent spellings. ^

NAPATAN ROYAL NAMES

1. Abar, Queen. Tomb unidentified; Reisner proposed Nuri 35.

Daughter of KASHTA (i). Sister-wife of PPANKHY (2). Mother of TAHARQA (5).

Kawa, Stela V [i, a]; Barkal Temple 300 = Leps. Denkm. v, pi. ~;c, left, a misunderstood cartouche
and the titles [i, b].

2. Akhe(qa?), Queen. Buried in Nuri 38.

Daughter of ASPELTA (10) (and EEenuttakhebit r). Sister-wife of AMTALQA (ii).

Shawabti [2, a]; and compare scarab from Meroe West 591 [2, 6].

3. Akhrasan, Queen. Buried in Nuri 32.

King’s wife, about temp. i\IALEWIEBA^L\NI (19).

Shawabti [3].

4. AKHRATAN (25), King. Buried in Nuri 14.

Perhaps son of HARSIOTEF (23).

Cartouche in chapel [4, a]; statue from Barkal Temple 500 in Boston 23.735 [4, b],

5. ALARA (ancestral), King? or Chieftain. Tomb unidentified.

Probably elder brother of KASHTA (i).

Tabiry Stela in Khartoum, No. igoi [5, a ] ; Kawa Stela IV, line 17 [5, ; Kawa Stela VI, line 22 [5, c] ;

Kawa Inscr. IX, line 54 [5, d]; ‘Nastasen Stela’ (Berlin 2268; Urk. ni, 137 ff.) [5, e].

6. AMANLVSTABARQA (16), King. Buried in Nuri 2.

Shawabti [6, a]; beryl plaque 17-2-235 [6, 6]; sheet gold 17-2-237 (in Khartoum) [6, c ] ; cylinder
sheath 17-2-25S [6, d \ ; granite stela, Nuri 100, No. 4, in Boston (unregistered) with cartouches as [6, c]
reversed and [6, d] line 2.

7. AMANIBAKHI (?), King. Tomb unidentified, presumed to be at Nuri.

Date and relationships unknown.

Nuri 100, No. I, granite stela in Boston 21.3236 [7, d]- Nuri 100, No. 6, offering-stone in Boston
(unregistered) [7, b]. Both perhaps the same person.

• By an oversight the votaresses Amonirdis I and II and Shepenwepet II, and the son of Taharqa named
Esshowtfenet have been omitted from the list, though not from the genealogical table. They have all, however,
been included in Alacadam’s discussion referred to above, and as no direct evidence about anv of them has
come either from Reisner’s excavations or from Kawa the omission is not a serious one.

142 DOWS DUNHAM AND M. F. LAMING MACADAM

8. Amanimalel, Queen. Tomb unidentified; Reisner proposed Nuri 22.

Presumed wife of SENKAMANISKEN (8).

Statue from Barkal 500 in Merowe Museum, No. 13 (Khartoum, No. 1843) (titles broken off) [8],
forming a pair with statue of SENKAMANISKEN in same find in Alerowe Museum, No. 12 (Khar-
toum, No. 1842).

9. AMANl-NATAKI-LEBTE (14), King. Buried in Nuri 10.

Shawabti [9, a]; F.D. tablet 17-4-680 [9, ft]; cylinder sheath 17-1-10 [9, c]; silver mirror in Boston

21-338 [9, d].

10. Amanitakaye, Queen. Buried in Nuri 26.

Daughter of ASPECT A (10). Sister-wife of AMTALQA (i i). Mother of MALENAQEN
(12).

Shawabti [10, a]; F.D. plaque 17-4-1131 [10, ft]; cylinder sheath 18-2-667 [ro> r].

11. A^MAN-NETE-YERIKE (21), King. Buried in Nuri 12.

Son of^IALEWIEBAMANI (19). Elder brother of BASKAKEREN (22). Perhaps
nephew of TALAKHAMANI (20).

Blocks fallen from chapel [ii, a]; shawabti [ii, ft]; offering-stone 17-1-175 [ii, c]. Further examples
Macadam, Temples of Kaua, i, 52; and for a different roval titular^' see Kawa Inscr. ix, 1-2; xi. 1-2:
xii, 1-2.

12. AMTALQA (ii), King. Buried in Nuri 9.

Son of ASPECT A (10) and Henuttakhebit.

Shawabti [12, a]; cylinder sheath 17-1-211 [12, ft]; gold band 17-1-225 [12, c]; F.D. cartouche 17-4-
621 [12, d]; gold spacer from Garstang’s excavations at Meroe (McGregor Catalogue, pi. 38, noiv in
Brooklyn Museum) [12, e].

13. ANAL-SCAAYE (13), King. Buried in Nuri 18.

Shawabti [13, a]; F.D. cartouche 17-4-944 [13, ft]; F.D. plaque 17-4-945 [13, c]; silver bowl intruded
in Nuri 10, 17-1-280 [13, d\.

14. ANLAMANI (9), King. Buried in Nuri 6.

Son of SENKAMANISKEN (8) and Nasalsa. Elder brother of ASPELTA (10).

Stela in chapel [14, a]; two granite basins from chapel in Boston 16-11-43 [i 4 . ^]; granite sarcophagus
in Merowe Museum, Nos. i and 2 (Khartoum, No. 1868) [14, c]; shawabti [14, d\ \ F.D. tablets and
cups and Canopic jars with cartouches as above; granite statue from Barkal 500 in Boston 23.732 [14, e],
and titulary very similar in Kawa Inscr. vill, line i. See also variant spelling in ‘Dedication Stela’
{Vrk. Ill, loi ff.), line 10 [14,/].

15. Artaha, Queen. Buried in Nuri 58.

Wife of ASPELTA (10).

Shawabti [15].

16. Arty, Queen. Tomb unidentified; Reisner proposed Kurru 6.

Daughter of PPANKHY (2). Sister-wife of SHEBITKU (4).

Cairo Statue 49157 (Ann. Seiv. 25, 29) [16]. Perhaps same as the Pi'ankh-arty of the ‘Dream Stela’:
see below, name 58.

17. Asata, Queen. Buried in Nuri 42.

Wife of ASPELTA (10).

Shawabti [17, a]; heart scarab in Boston 20.643 [i 7 > ^l-

18. ASPELTA (10), King. Buried in Nuri 8.

Son of SENKAMANISKEN (8) and Nasalsa. Younger brother of ANLAMANI (q).
Texts on chamber walls [18, a] ; sarcophagus in Boston 23.729 [18, ft] ; shawabti [18, c] ; Canopies [18, d \ ;
F.D. tablets and cups [18, e], and similarly on many other objects from burial chambers; granite statue

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS, ROYAL FAMILY, NAPATA 143

from Barkal 500 in Boston 23.730 [18,/]. See more correctly written titulary in ‘Dedication Stela’
(Urk. Ill, loi ff.), line i.

19. Atakhebasken, Queen. Buried in Xuri 36.

Wife of TAHARQA (5).

Shawabti [19, «]; Canopies in Boston 23.744-5 [19, b] ; altar in Merowe Museum, Xo. 10 (Khartoum,
No. i860) [19, c],

20. Atasamale, Queen. Buried in Xuri 61.

Perhaps sister and wife of AMAN-XETE-YERIKE (21). Mother of HARSIOTEF (23).

Sandstone altar from chamber [20, <2]; stela from Barkal (Cairo Ent. 48864; Gauthier, Livre des Rois,
IV, 61) [20, &].

21. ATLANERSA (7), King. Probably buried in Xuri 20.

Son of TAHARQA (5) and . . .salka.

Tablet from Xuri 500 in Boston 20. 769 [21, a]; Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 53-4 [21, 6]. See also J'ii'.d 4,
pi. 45. X.B. Xo inscriptional evidence from tomb, which is assigned on archaeological grounds.

22. Atmataka, Queen. Buried in Xuri 55.

Wife of AMTALQA (i i).

Shawabti (after Reisner’s hand copy) [22, u]; heart scarab found intruded in Xuri 57 [22, b].

23. BASKAKEREX (22), King. Buried in Xuri 17.

Son of ^E\LEWIEBAMAXI (19). Younger brother of AMAX-XETE-YERIKE (21).

Stela from chapel in Merowe Museum, Xo. 4 (Khartoum, Xo. 1859) [23].

24. Batahaliye, Queen. Buried in Xuri 44.

Wife and sister of HARSIOTEF (23).

Stela from chapel in Boston 21.3231 [24, a]; Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 61 [24, b],

25. ESAXHURE[T] (?), Prince. Tomb unidentified.

Eldest son of TAHARQA (5).

Suggested Egyptianization of the name ‘Ushanakhuru’ (if so to be read) in the annals of Esarhaddon
(Macadam, Temples of Kazea, i, 124).

26. Es[t]enkhebi[t], Princess. Buried at Abvdus, Tomb 3.

Daughter of SHABAKQ (3).

Shawabti {El Amrah and Abydos, 97, pi. 39) [26].

27. HARi\IAKHE[T], Prince. Tomb unidentified.

Eldest son of SHABAKQ (3).

Cairo Statue 42204 [27]. See Ann. Serv. 25, 26, and for the relationships ibid. 30.

28. HARSIOTEF (23), King. Buried in Xuri 13.

Son of Atasamale and perhaps of AMAX-XETE-YERIKE (21).

Heart scarab 17-3-19 [28, a]; Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 59 ff. [28, b}; a variant prenomen found at Kawa
[28, c]; on block fallen from chapel (after sketch by Reisner) [28, d].

29. Henutirdis, Queen. Buried in Xuri 34.

temp. HARSIOTEF (23).

Offering-table from chapel in Boston 21.3233 [29].

30. Henuttakhebi[t], Queen. Buried in Xuri 28.

Probably daughter of SEXKAiMAXISKEX (8). Adoptive daughter of Madiqeh. Wife
of ASPELTA (to). Mother of AMTALQA (ii).

Shawabti [30, a]; fragments gold sheet 17-3-448 [30, 6]; F.D. cartouche 17-4-1224 [30, c]. See Gau-
thier, op. cit., IV, 58 for some of above relationships.

144 DOWS DUNHAM AND M. F. LAMING MACADAM

31. KARIBEN, Prince. Buried in Meroe South 500.

Brother perhaps of SI'ASPIQA (?) (17) or NASAKHMA (18) (tomb dated here on
archaeological grounds).

Stela from stair in Boston 23.869 [31].

32. KARK,\IVL\N I (15), King. Buried in Nuri 7.

Shawabti [32, a]; F.D. cartouche 17-4-461 [32, h].

33. Kasaqa, Queen. Tomb unidentified.

Sister- wife of ALARA. Sister ofKASHTA(i) and Pebatma. iVIother of Tabiry. Adoptive
mother of Abar.

Kawa, Inscrip. XLVi [33, a]; stela of Tabir>' in Khartoum, No. 1901 [33, 6].

34. KASHTA (i), King. Tomb unidentified: Reisner proposed Kurru 8.

Probably brother of ALARA . Father of PPANKHY (3) and SHABAKO (3).

Fragment of faience in stair of Ku. i, 19-3-537 [34, a]; Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 5 ff. [34, b],

35. Khalese, Queen. Tomb unidentified.

Probably wife of ATLANERSA (7).

Destroyed pylon of Barkal 700 [35, a]. See JEA 15, pi. 5, and Macadam in yEA 32, 63.

36. KHALIUT, Prince. Tomb unidentified.

Son of PPANKHY (2).

Stela from Barkal 500 [36], published ZAS 70, 35 ff.

37. Khensa, Queen. Buried in Kurru 4,

Daughter of KASHTA (i). Sister-wife of PPANKHY (2). (Buried temp. TAHARQA

(5)?)

Granite offering-stone from stair in Boston (unregistered) [37, a] ; alabaster offering-stone from chamber
i9~3~S43 [37> ^]; various alabaster vases, all with double cartouches and varying titles [37, c\ \ steatite
ball in Boston 21.313 [37, d]; silver basin in Boston 21.3091 [37, e].

38. Madiqen, Queen. Buried in Nuri 27.

Daughter of SENKAMANISKEN (8) and Nasalsa. Sister-wife of ANLAMANI (9).
Adoptive mother of Henuttakhebi[t]. Buried temp. ASPELTA (10).

Shawabti [38, a]; cylinder sheath 18-3-1012 in Boston [38, 6]. See also ‘Dedication Stela’ {Urk. ill,
101 ff.), line 9.

39. Alalaqaye, Queen. Buried in Nuri 59.

Perhaps wife of TANWETAMANI (6).

Heart scarab in Boston 20.646 [39].

40. MALENAQEN (12), King. Buried in Nuri 5.

Son of AMTALQA (ii) and i\manitakaye.

Shawabti [40, a] ; F.D. cartouche and tablets [40, 6] ; five alabaster vases [40, c ] ; at Kawa, Inscrip. XLIll
{Temples of Kaiva, l, p. 89, and pi. 35) [40, d],

41. Maletaral (?) I, Queen. Buried in Nuri 41.

Wife of ATLANERSA (7). Mother of SENKL\MANTSKEN (8).

Heart scarab in Boston 20.644 [41].

42. Maletaral H, Queen? Buried in Nuri 25.

temp. c. AMANI-NATAKI-LEBTE (14). A king’s sister, perhaps wife of PPANKHA-
RITEN.

Shawabti [42].

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS, ROYAL FAMILY, NAPATA 145

43. Maletasen, Queen. Buried in Nuri 39.

Wife of AAITALQA (ii).

Shawabti [43].

44. iVIALEWIEBAMANI (iq), King. Buried in Nuri ii.

Son of Sakacaye and of either SPASPIQA (17) or NASAKH.MA (18).

Shawabti [44, a]; F.D. cartouche 17-4-776 [44, b\ \ fragment of electrum band found intruded in Nuri
16 [44, cj; compare the private name [44, d] of temp. ASPELTA (10) on ‘Dedication Stela’, lines 6-7.
Nomen nearly identical with [44, c] in Kawa Inscr. ix, line 12.

45. IMasalaye, Queen? Buried in Nuri 23.

Probably wife of SENIL\MANISKEN (8). Probably buried under ANLAMANI (9).
Shawabti (without titles) [45].

46. Aleqemale, Queen. Buried in Nuri 40.

Wife? of ASPELTA (10).

Shawabti [46], and one other in Ashmolean Aluseum (1931. 943) said to come from Sanam Temple,
cf. Ann. Arch. Anthr. 9, 88-9, pi. 18.

47. Mernua, Princess. Buried in Meroe South 85.

temp. c. ANLAAIANI (9) -ASPELTA (10).

Shaw'abti [47].

48. Naparaye, Queen. Buried in Kurru 3.

Daughter of PPANKHY (2). Sister-wife of TAHARQA (5).

Alabaster offering-stone 19-3-588 (Khartoum, No. 1911) [48, a].

49. NASAKHMA (18), King. Buried in Nuri 19.

F.D. cartouche plaque 17-4-996 [49]. The last two signs in the cartouche may be intended for honorific
qa, so that the spelling NASAKHMAQA may be preferable.

50. Nasalsa, Queen. Buried in Nuri 24.

Daughter of ATLANERSA (7). Sister-wife of SENKAMANISKEN (8). Mother of
ANLAMANI (9), ASPELTA (10), and Madiqen.

Shawabti [50, a]; F.D. tablets and cups [50, 6]; stela of KHALIUT, line 13 (ZAS 70, 40) [50, c];
‘Dedication Stela’ (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 57) [50, d]\ Kawa Inscrip, vni [50, e].

51. NASTASEN (26), King. Buried in Nuri 15.

Son of Pelkha and probably of HARSIOTEF (23).

Shawabti [51, a]; mirror in Khartoum, No. 1374 [51, f>]; ‘Nastasen Stela’ (Berlin 2268; Gauthier, op.
cit. IV, 62) [51, c].

52. Nefrukekashta, Queen. Buried in Kurru 52.

Wife of PPANKHY (2).

Shawabti [52, d\.

53. Pebatma, Queen. Tomb unidentified: Reisner proposed Kurru 7.

Sister-wife of KASHTA (i). Adoptive mother of Peksater.

Cairo Statue 42198 (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 8) [53, a]; door-jamb from Abydus (ibid. 10) [53, 6].

54. Peksater, Queen. Tomb unidentified: Reisner proposed Kurru 54.

Daughter of KASHTA ( i ) . Adoptive daughter of Pebatma. Sister- wife of PI^ANKHY (2).
For evidence see above [53, 6].

55. Pelkha, Queen. Tomb unidentified.

Perhaps sister and wife of HARSIOTEF (23). Mother of NASTASEN (26).

Lunette of ‘Nastasen Stela’ (Schafer, Aeth. Konigsinschrift, pi. i) [55].

U

146 DOWS DUNHAM AND M. F. LAMING MACADAM

56. Peltasen (?), Princess. Tomb unidentified.

Daughter? of TAHARQA (5). Sister? of ATLANERSA (7).

Destroyed pylon of Barkal 700, after Felix’s drawing in Prudhoe MS. {JEA 15, pi. 5) [56].

57. PPANKHARITEN, King? Tomb unidentified.

c. tmp. A]\iANI-NATAKI-LEBTE (14).

F.D. cartouche and name-tile in Nuri 25 [57]. Nuri 25 is the tomb of IMaletaral II ; this may be a king
otherwise unknown, perhaps her husband, who buried her. The tomb is dated archaeologically as above.

58. (Picankh-arty)? Queen? Tomb unidentified.

Sister and wife of TANWETAMANI (6).

On ‘Dream Stela’ {Urk. ill, 59) [58]. See Ann. Serv. 25, 25 ff. and name 16 above. It is possible that
names 16 and 58 represent the same person: if this is so then 16, a sister-wdfe of SHEBITKU (4), was
married after his death to her nephew T ANWET AMAN I (6).

59. Picankh-her (?), Queen. Buried in Nuri 57.

A wife of AMTALQA (i i).

Shawabti [59]. Perhaps a Napatanized Egyptian name: Pi-rnh-hr, ‘the king is pleased’ or the like.

60. Pifankhqew-qa, Queen? Buried in Nuri 29.

Perhaps a wife of SUASPIQA (?) (17).

F.D. tablets [60].

61. PTANKHY (2), King. Buried in Kurru 17.

Son of KASHTA (i). Elder brother of SHABAKO (3).

Shawabti [61, a]; variants of titulary (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, passim) [61, 6]. Gauthier postulates several
kings of this name, while Reisner believed that there was but one PPANKHY .

62. Piebtetemery, Princess (with ‘good name’ Meresnape). Tomb perhaps at Abydus, D 48.

c. temp. TAHARQA (5).

Stela from Abydus D 48 [62]. Published in El Amrah and Abydos, pi. 31 (cf. Schafer in ZAS 43, 50).
Note that this lady, while not herself a votaress, was the (probably adoptive) mother of a votaress,
perhaps Amonirdis 11 . On the possibility of Amonirdis IPs having had more than one adoptive mother
see Macadam, Temples of Kama, i, 127.

63. Qalhata, Queen. Buried in Kurru 5.

Sister- wife? of SHEBITKU (4). Mother? of TANWETAMANI (6).

On walls of burial chamber [63, a]; shawabti [63, 6]; ‘Dream Stela’ of T ANWET AM AN I [63, c].

64. Sakataye, Queen. Buried in Nuri 31.

Mother of (presumably) MALEWIEBAMANI (19) hence (possibly) wife of NASA-
KHMA (18) or SPASPIQA (17).

Shawabti [64].

65. Sakhmakh, Queen. Tomb unidentified: Reisner proposed Nuri 56.

Daughter of a king, perhaps H ARSIO TEF (23), but more probably ? (24), since

she is not stated to be sister of a king. Wife of NASTASEN (26).

Funerary stela from Barkal 551 (Khartoum, No. 1853) [65, a ] ; on ‘Nastasen Stela’ [65, 6]. N.B. Nuri 56,
the only queen’s pyramid of NASTASEN’s reign, seems clearly indicated as her tomb or that of
NASTASEN ’s mother, Pelkha.

66 salka, Queen. Tomb unidentified.

Mother of ATLANERSA (7).

Cartouche on destroyed pylon of Barkal 700 as copied by Felix in Prudhoe MS. [66], see JEA 15, pi. 5.

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS, ROYAL FAMILY, NAPATA 147

67. SENKAMANISKEN (8), King. Buried in Nuri 3.

Son of ATLANERSA (7) and Maletaral (?) I.

Shawabti variants [67, a]; F.D. tablets [67, i]; granite statue from Barkal 500 in Boston 23.731 [67, c];
on east face destroyed pylon of Barkal 700, as copied by Cailliaud (Foyages, &c. l, pi. 61 [67, d\.

68. SHABAKO (3), King. Buried in Kurru 15.

Son of KASHTA (i). Younger brother of PKANKHY (2).

Altar ex chapel 19-2-673 [68, d\ \ shawabti [68, 6]; gold band ex mummy 19-3—223 [68, c] ; inscribed
ivory' i9-3-23ib [68, d]; Kamak inscription (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 13, i) [68, e].

69. SHEBITKU (4), King. Buried in Kurru 18.

Son of PICANKHY (2).

Shaw’abti [69, a]; variants of titulary (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 29) [69, h\. A second prenomen

has been found associated with ( q^u') in graves of his horses at Kurru, see Bull. M.F.A. Boston, 29,
photograph on p. 33.

70. SPASPIQA (?) (17), King. Buried in Nuri 4.

Granite stela from chapel in jVIerowe Museum, No. 6 (Khartoum, No. 1858) [70, a]; libation jar from
chapel in Alerowe Museum, No. 15 (Khartoum, No. 1861) [70, 6]; shawabti [70, c] ; heart scarab
17^4^142 [7O) <^] ; F.D. tablet 18-3-900 [70, e] (the last perhaps name of a funerary endowment) ; offering
table found in Nuri too in Merowe Museum, No. 14, with name and title exactly as in [70, c].

71. Tabekenamun, Queen. Tomb unidentified.

Daughter of PPANKHY (2). Perhaps wife of TAHARQA (5).

Cairo Statue 49157 from Kamak (Ann. Serv. 25, 25 ff.) [71].

72. Tabiry, Queen. Buried in Kurru 53.

Daughter of ALARA and Kasaqa. Wife of PPANKHY (2).

Stela from Ku. 53 in Khartoum, No. 1901 [72].

73. Tagtal (?), Queen. Buried in Nuri 45.

Wife of MALENAQEI^ (12).

Shawabti [73].

74. TAHARQA (5), King. Buried in Nuri i.

Son of PPANKHY (2) and Abar.

Shawabti [74, a]; Canopic Jars in Boston 23.738 and 9 [74, 6]; granite statue from Barkal 500 in Merowe
Museum, No. ii (Khartoum, No. 1841) [74, c]. See also Gauthier, op. cit., iv, 31 ff.

75. TALAKHAMANI (20), King. Buried in Nuri 16.

Perhaps younger son of NASAKHMA (18).

Stela from chapel in Boston (unregistered) [75]. According to inscription Kawa IX, 3-5, TAT.A-
KHAMANI died in his palace at Meroe and was succeeded by .A.M.AN-NETE-YERIKE (21) at the
age of 41.

76. TANWETAAIANI (6), King. Buried in Kurru 16.

Son of SHEBITKU (4) and Qalhata.

Shawabti [76, u]; Canopic jar 19-3-324 [76, 6]; Uvo granite statues from Barkal 500, in Boston 16-4-29
and in Merowe Museum, No. 17 (Khartoum, No. 1846) [76, c]; offering table in Boston 21.3232 [76, d];
fragment from Sanam temple (Ann. Arch. Anthr. 9, pi. 26, 13) gives Nbty and Golden-Horus names
which may be those of Tanwetamani [76, e].

77. Tekahatamani, Queen. Tomb unidentified: Reisner proposed Nuri 21.

Daughter of PPANKHY (2). Sister-wife of TAHARQA (5).

Inscription at Barkal (Gauthier, op. cit. iv, 41, .xui) [77]. Nuri 21 is dated archaeologically to the reign
of SENKAMANISKEN (8), which would necessitate this lady being at least 70 at death, if this is indeed
her tomb.

148 DOWS DUNHAN AND M. F. LAMING MACADAM

78. WETERIK (?), Prince. Buried in Meroe South 20.

temp. AMANIASTABARQA (16) or SLASPIQA (?) (17).

Offering table in stair 20-4-60 [78].

79. Yeturow, Queen. Buried in Nuri 53.

Daughter of TAHARQA (5). Sister-wife of ATLANERSA (7).

Painted on walls of burial chamber [79, a] ; heart scarab found intruded in Nuri N.M. 4 18-2-243
[79. on destroyed pylon of Barkal 700, after Felix’s drawing in Prudhoe AIS. [79, c]. See JEA 15,
pi. 5, and ibid. 32, 62. ’

Six further royal names, possibly belonging near the end of the Napatan period, but more prob-
ably to be dated after NASTASEN, are referred to in a brief communication by Macadam mJEA
33> 93- L is possible that one of them may be the king buried in Kurru i which falls archaeo-
logically between HARSIOTEF (23) and AKHRATAN (25), but this remains for the present a
matter for speculation.

NAMES AND RELATIONSHIPS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY OF NAPATA

ANCESTOR

i

ALARA Kasaqa

KASHTA (i) = Pebatma

Tabin' = PPANKHY (2) = Peksater =f= Abar = Khensa = Nefrukekashta

I

Amonirdis I

SHABAKO (3)

i KHALIUT

Arty = Qalhata =p SHEBITKU (4) I Shepenwepe[t] II | _

Tabekenamun ? = Ataj khebasken = . . . salka =j= TAHARQA (5) = Naparaye = Tekahatamani HARMAKHE[T] Es[t]enkhebi[t]

1 ' ' Piebtetemer>'

Picankharty (?) = TAnWETAMAKI (6 ) = ? Malaqaye
(or Arty ?)

ATLANERSA (7) y Maletaral (?) I = Yeturow = ? Khalese ESANHURE[T] (?) Peltasen
Nasalsa =p SENKAMANISKEN (8) = ? Amanimalel = ? Masalaye ESSHOWTFENE[T]

1 I 1

ANLAMANI (9) = Madiqen ?

Amonirdis II

ASPELTA (10) =p Henuttakhebi[t] = Asata = Artaha = ? Meqemale

Mernua

Akhe(qa?) = Amanitakaye y AMTALQA (11) = Atmataka = Maletasen = Pitankh-her

MALENAQEiN = Tagtal (?)

ANALMAtAYE (13)

AMANI-NATAKI-LEBTE (14)

KARKAMANI (15)

AMANIASTABARQA (16)

STASPIQA (?)(!?)= ? Picankhqew-qa
Sakataye ? = NASAKHMA (18)

PI'ANKHARITEN = ? Maletaral II

WETERIK (?)
KARIBEN

MALEWIEBAMANI (19)

I

?

TALAKHAMANI (20)

AMAN-NETE-YERIKE (21) = ? Atasamale BASK AKER EN (22)

Batahaliye = HARSIO TEF (23) = ? Pelkha Henutirdis

? (24)

Son of At asamale

?

NASTASEN (26) = Sakhmakh
Son of Pelkha

Men in capitals, kings underlined.
Numbers in round brackets after kings’
names give order of reigns.

Women in small tt pe; = means marriage.
Broken line means adoptive relationship.

? means relationship uncertain.

(?) means reading uncertain.

AKHR A TAN (25)

GRAPHIES DEMOTIOUES DU MOT
‘NOURRITURE, RATION’, ETC.

Par MICHEL MALININE

Le Pap. Rylands V contient le plus ancien exemple d’une graphic demotique cursive,
encore non identifiee, tout au moins, avec certitude. C’est un acte juridique, du regne
d’Amasis, en vertu duquel un cultivateur egyptien devient, de son gre, esclave d’un
pretre de Teuzoi. Compare a d’autres documents se rapportant a I’esclavage volontaire
en Eg}'pte, ce contrat presente cette particularite qu’il contient un passage ou sont
produites les raisons de cet acte librement consenti par le cultivateur. C’est precise-
ment dans cette clause ‘individuelle’, inseree dans le formulaire stereotype, commun
a tons les contrats de ce groupe, qu’apparait pour la premiere fois la graphie dont nous
allons nous occuper. Void ce passage: 'Je siiis ton esclave pour toujaurs en payement

ce . . . que tu m'as donne’^ en Van 2, alors que jp'tais stir le
point de mourir’ (1. z). Le contexte suggere, pour le mot laisse sans lecture, le sens
‘nourriture, approvisionnement’ &c. et c’est ainsi que I’a rendu Griffith (‘supplies?’),
notant que cette traduction est extremement douteuse. En envisageant ici la presence du
terme fk,- il observa qu’un mot ayant le meme sens et ecrit d’un fa^on tout a fait ana-
logue, se rencontre dans le Pap. Rylands IX, ainsi que dans 3 autres papyrus demo-
tiques de I’epoque perse. Nous sommes maintenant a meme de porter le nombre de
ces exemples a 6 : i — P. Louvre E.7843 (regne d’Amasis), acte de partage des revenus
de choachyte, ainsi specifies: 'champ, ration} — salaire {htpy ( 1 . 5); 2— P. Caire
50061a (regne de Darius IP), piece de comptabilite dont une des rubriques porte:
' Receptions deration{s)} — H m’ (il, to) ; ibid.ii, ii . 12 — -'ration} 0^{var.(^ tf)devin’‘,
3 — P. Rylands IX (regne de Darius I), contenant un passage ou est employee I’expres-
sion — pj (J*) (avec «-dat.) 'prelever une ration} {pour q.y (xxi, 8); 4 — P. Turin 242
(meme regne), acte de cession d’un quart de la 'ration} — de choachyte' (1. 2);
5 et 6 — P. Turin 251 et P. Louvre E.9204 (meme regne), actes I’un de cession, I’autre
de partage des revenus de choachyte, parmi lesquels — 'ration} — ^ {var. \i*%)
d’ Osiris' (1. 2; 1. z)^

Une analyse purement paleographique s’avere, malheureusement, insuffisante pour
resoudre definitivement la question de la lecture de toutes ces graphies. La solution nous
en vient maintenant ab externo, grace a un document de I’epoque de Psammetique I

' Litt. ‘cette action de donner d mot . . . que tu as faite’, lecture absolument certaine. Pour les differents essais
de traduire ce passage, par Griffith, v. Ryl. Pap. Ill, 53.409 et PSBA 31, 50.

- Ryl. Pap. HI, 21 1 n. 7; 247 n. 5 et 41 1.

^ Une graphie semblable apparait aussi dans P. Loeb 45, 2, dans I’expression ‘champ — . . .’ que Spiegelberg
{D. Pap. Loeb, 78, n. 4) rapproche du mot, lu par Griffith zc? dans P. Rylands IX, 17, 2 (‘iz-land’)- Dans ces
deux cas il faut lire probablement rk.

GRAPHIES DfiMOTIQUES DU MOT % 15 1

(P. Louvre E.2432), redige en hieratique ‘anormal’, ou est conserve un acte juridique
tout a fait semblable aux precedents (nos. i. 4. 5 et 6). II s’agit d’un contrat par lequel
un Taricheute cede a un Choachyte I’exploitation d’une partie de la tombe en sa
propriete, avec tons les revenus y afferant et auxquels s’ajoute aussi un benefice ainsi
specific: 'A toi appartient (aussi) “ration d’Osiris” de la dame

Tekhori, via mere, et de toutes les (autres) personnes de ma famille ? (litt. qui sont a moi) qiii
reposeront dans ma partie, a moi (de ladite tombe)' (11. 4-5).

Comme on ne pent avoir, en I’occurrence, aucun doute que le revenu mentionne ici
soit le meme dont il est question dans les contrats nos. 5 et 6, ci-dessus, nous sommes
en droit d’accepter, desormais sans reserve, la lecture ek pour les graphics reproduites
plus haut.

Cette identification assure, a son tour, la lecture des graphics correspondantes em-
ployees dans les textes des epoques ptolemaique et romaine. En ce qui concerne la
premiere, nous n’examinerons que deux expressions composees avec le mot <'k, puis-
qu’elles sont attestees par un nombre assez important de documents, permettant ainsi
de relever, pour ce terme, toutes les graphics caracteristiques de cette periode : (a) expres-
sion connue surtout par les documents relatifs au mariage et dont la lecture <’k-hbs
‘nourriture-et-habillement’ a ete consideree comme incertaine, jusqu’a present.* En
void quelques exemples dont le premier contenant une graphic du premier mot,
tres voisine de celles des epoques sai'te et perse, est decisif au point de vue de la

lecture de cet element 7 — P. Bibl. Nat. 219, 3 2^ ; 8 — P. Karara I, 2 f/, ypi rOi ?

9 — P. Brit. Mus. 10591 v°, VII, 21 10 — P. Caire 30601, 2. 3 %v».

II — P. Berlin 3075, 3 12 — P. Caire 30607, 4 13 — P. Caire 31207, 3

h'j, 14 — P. Bibl. Nat. 224, 4 15 — P. Caire 30616b, 4 W*-' (b) Ex-

pression/^y ek n — ‘prelever une ration pour q.’ (cf. no. 3), dans P. Lille 29, 18 attestant
la forme: 16 — (var. M^^)- La lecture est assuree ici par les P. Caire 30606, 16
et 31 179, 17. 18 ou, dans la meme expression, est employee la graphic = nos. 12-13.^

Enfin les formes caracteristiques du mot ek a I’epoque romaine sont:’^ 17 — ;

18— ^>2 ; 19— ; 20— K* ; 21— ; 22— u, r«.

' Thompson, Family Arch. Text, i6 n. 45. Pour rk et hbs, produits de premiere necessite, fournis par le
mari a sa femme, v. Gardiner and Sethe, Letters to the Dead, Commentaries 24.

- Le second element hhs y est ecrit 5 , partout sauf no. 8 ou il revet une forme plus developpee dont la transcrip-
tion est embarrassante. Le signe final — fTi determine toute I’expression, cf. aussi no. 14 et P. Caire 50128, 14.

^ Spiegelberg (Veroff. a. badischen Pap.-Samml. I, 30) rapproche, a tort, cette graphie de celle d'une autre
expression, lue hbs-it? (hd: ou rk?), cf. Griffith, Adler Papyri, 75, n. 4.

Les graphies du premier element, dans nos. lob et 1 1, sont identiques a celles qui sont employees, dans un
contexte different, dans P. Rylands X, 2 ; Louvre 2433, 2 et Philadel. 14, 2. Dans P. Leiden I, 373a, 4, la
graphie correspondante est la meme qu’ici nos. 12-13; ce qui rend tres probable, dans tous ces cas, la lecture
ck pour le mot en question.

= Pour la ligature initiale, cf. P. Caire 50129, 7. 8. Le determinatif ^ ° |, secondaire dans Porthographe de
ce mot, aussi dans les nos. 21-2.

^ Pour cette expression, v. aussi I Kham. iv, 25; cf. Sottas, Pap. Lille, 69-70, n. i8.

’ 17 — Spiegelberg, D. Texte a. Kriigen, Gloss, no. 237; 18 — id. Petiibast. Gloss, no. 443 (sim. P. Insinger
6, 12); 19 — Volten, Traumdeut. Gloss, s. v.; 20 — Griffith, Dodecasch. Vocab. no. 370; 21 — Moller, Pap. Rhind,

MICHEL MALININE

152

Nous en arrivons ainsi a la question finale: quelle peut etre la valeur hierogly-
phique de ces graphics? Spiegelberg, remarquant au sujet de la graphic no. 17 qu’un
groupe identique est employe, dans le meme document, comme determinatif du mot
hr 'provisiori etc., en a conclu qu’elle doit representer I’orthographe abregee, sans
I’element initial, du mot en question. En faveur de cette interpretation se prononcerent
aussi Sethe et Thompson. ' Cependant, I’examen de I’ensemble des variantes reunies
plus haut, ne permet de considerer, comme representant certainement une graphic
abregee du mot rk, que les nos. lob. ii. 20-22. Spiegelberg lui-meme — frappe, sans
doute, par la ressemblance que presente le premier signe de la graphic pleine avec
celui qui sert a ecrire en demotique — a, par la suite, change d’opinion, puisqu’il
a rendu par Telement initial du groupe atteste dans le Decret de Canope (sembl.
aux nos. 12-13). Jusqu’a preuve du contraire, nous pouvons considerer cette tran-
scription comme la plus probable.

Gloss, no. 413 (sim. Lexa, D. Totenhiich, Gloss, no. 280); 22 — Griffith-Thompson, Dem. Mag. Pap. Ill,
no. 978.

‘ Sethe, Urk. Biirgschaft., 428; Thompson, Family Arch. Text, 16 n. 45.

(iS 3 )

A SOUVENIR OF NAPOLEON'S TRIP TO EGYPT

By JOHN D. COONEY

In 1939, just after the outbreak of World War II, the statue published here in tribute
to Sir Alan Gardiner’s vast contribution to Egyptological studies appeared for sale in
the hands of a New York dealer. It was purchased by the Trustees of the Brooklyn
Museum from the income of the Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund and is registered under
No. 39.602.

The statue, of brown quartzite, stands o-68 m. high and represents a man, Senwosret-
Sonbefni, in the form of the so-called cube statue, mounted on a roughly dressed
stone base. In front of him, on a very much smaller scale, stands the statue of his wife.
The style of the face, the form of the inscription, and the personal names in it limit
the period of its origin to Dyn. XII. The statue of Senwosret-Sonbefni is, in most
of its details, typical of Middle Kingdom cube statues originating before the last few
reigns of Dyn. XII. The body is placed in the cube or squatting position, and is
wrapped in a garment of which the only details indicated are the slits through which
the hands protrude; no hem, edging, or other functional details of the garment are
indicated. The hands are crossed at an angle, resting flat, palms down. The feet are
exposed. He wears the plain lappet-wig which is found on a majority of Middle
Kingdom squatting sculptures and has a plain beard, a detail likewise common to
this group of sculptures. Across the front of the statue in two lines and two columns
is incised a conventional offering formula arranged so as to suggest the outline of a stela.
In the centre of this inscription stands the figure of Senwosret-Sonbefni’s wife in very
high relief, practically sculpture against a background. No trace of paint remains, and
probably on this fine stone the surface was never covered.

The statue, exclusive of its interest as an early specimen of a squatting sculpture, has
two claims to importance in the history of Egyptian art. The chief of these is the
quality of the sculpture and its greatness as a work of art, a claim which can be shared
by few, if indeed any, other squatting sculptures of the Middle Kingdom. As a class.
Middle Kingdom squatting sculptures are not works of art and seem to have been
produced by inferior sculptors. Senwosret-Sonbefni was apparently a man of humble
rank in the Egyptian bureaucracy, and his social position is more or less reflected in
the broad, peasant-like face, but the idealized treatment of this face, with its slightly
upturned gaze, places this statue among the great private sculptures of Dyn. XII. It
would be much more satisfactory if it were possible to say why this face is so fine. The
quality of workmanship alone does not explain this achievement, and it is one of the
defects of art criticism that this quality must be expressed rather than explained.
Something of the same sensitivity is felt in the handling of the body on the sides and
back. Without indicating a ripple of the drapery, the sculptor has succeeded in
indicating through the texture of the garment the mass, the softness, and the variations
in plane of a human body. This he achieved by avoiding the tautness common to the

X

154

JOHN D. COONEY

entirely covered bodies of squatting sculptures and breaking the surfaces into a series
of slight depressions and swells. The exposition of the human body through draperies
is usually credited to the Greek sculptors of the fifth and fourth centuries B.c. It was
achieved by them in part by very skilful imitation of the actual folds of drapery. But
in the Brooklyn sculpture the same effect is achieved without breaking the surface
of the garment.

The second point of interest that this sculpture presents to the art historian is the
solution of the problem of including a figure of the wife with the squatting sculpture
of her husband. The Memphite sculptors of the later Old Kingdom had solved the
same problem in standing sculptures by composing the lady on a very small scale
kneeling or standing by the feet of her husband. That precedent could not be followed
in this case, for a small figure placed at the side of the sculpture would be awkward
and would break the general mass in which the Egyptian sculptor always tried to confine
his composition. The solution adopted here, placing the woman within the inscription
in front of the man, is not entirely successful, for not only does she have a doll-like
appearance, but she distracts slightly from the lines of the man’s body. An attempt
was made to overcome this difficulty by reducing the details of her body to a minimum.
She is of far sketchier workmanship than the figure of her husband. It is difficult to
suggest any other placing for her. So far as I am aware this is the only squatting
sculpture of the Middle Kingdom in which this experiment was attempted. In the
New’ Kingdom the same problem was solved by representing members of the family
in sunk relief on the sides of the sculpture, but in such cases the sides of the sculpture
have to be treated as flat areas. There is probably no ideal solution of the problem
that confronted this sculptor, for the squatting sculpture does not lend itself to com-
bination with other forms.

The Inscription

The inscription is lightly incised across the front of the sculpture in two lines and
in two columns.

(0
( 2 )
4(3)

( 2 )

4 (4)

c:. ■

(i) Hip di nkc-t Pth-skr di-f prt hnv m tf hnkt knc >'pdw ss mnh-t sntr mrh-t ht nb-t n
h n (2) Imy-r pr hsb ihzc Snzvsr-t-mb-f-n'i ir-n Dd-t nb{-t) imfh (3) nb-t pr It-nfr-zv-
kib{-zv) ir-t-n Nb-t-k/ (4) in m-f Rdi-tii-Pth ir-n-f{?)

‘An offering which the king gives (to) Ptah-Sokaris that he may give an invocation of bread,
beer, oxen, fowl, alabaster, clothing, incense, ointment and (eveiy) good thing to the ka of the
overseer of reckoning of cattle, Senwosret-Sonbefni born of Dedet, mistress of reverence (and to)
the lady of the house It-noferu-sonb, born of Xebet-ka. (Done by) his brother the .... Rediniptah
born of /• (?)’.

A SOUVENIR OF NAPOLEON’S TRIP TO EGYPT

^55

The inscription is the routine offering formula, and in form calls for no comment.
The names of both Senwosret-Sonbefni and his wife It-noferu-sonb are exceptional,
being recorded from this statue by Lieblein' and in no other case so far as I can
determine. It is possible to read the man’s name as Sonbefni-Semvosret, and as the
name probably would be abbreviated in short texts, it is possible that I have over-
looked existing monuments of his, but I have not succeeded in finding other references
to him or to members of his family.

The reading of the column recording the brother’s name is far from certain. As
a whole, the inscription is not well cut and in this column just where the brother’s
title was recorded there is a defect in the stone which probably was remedied by
a filling now lost. The sign is clearly part of this title. It is possible to read Pth
as part of the lost title, but I have been unable to reconstruct it on this basis and I think
it is more probably part of the name. The reading of / seems reasonably certain, but
is very strange. It cannot be read as a complete name, and if read correctly it is cer-
tainly an abbreviated writing. Lieblein did not record or discuss this portion of the
inscription ; possibly a complete copy of it was not available to him.

The History of the Statue

When the statue was acquired by the museum, nothing of its history was known other
than the dealer’s statement that he had purchased it in the summer of 1939 during
a trip to Paris. Actually the statue was purchased not in Paris but in New York, where
it had been in the collection of William Randolph Hearst, but this was not known to
me until long after research on the statue was completed. To trace it back to the Am-
herst Collection^ was a simple task. This catalogue, compiled, I believe, by Howard
Carter, gave no information on the provenance or history of the statue, yet the surface
of the stone was so grimy, almost black, that it seemed certain the sculpture had long
been exposed and so must have a modern history.

It seemed impossible that so large and important an object could be in European
hands during a period which displayed so keen an interest in ancient remains without
any printed record. My first inquiry was directed to Professor Percy E. Newberrx",
who was well acquainted with the Amherst Collection decades before it was scattered at
auction. He replied that he had copied the inscription in his catalogue of the ikmherst
Collection in 1894, but had no record of where or when Lord Amherst had acquired it.
But even before receipt of this letter, the information it contained was superseded
by locating the name in Lieblein’s publication of 1892, where the statue is credited to
the Amherst Collection. And here for a long time the search was halted.

After the catalogues of many collections had been examined, it was in one of them,
the Pourtales-Gorgier, that, on the second search, the history of the sculpture was
recovered . 3 This collection was vast and famous, but included only a small selection
of Egyptian antiquities, most of them amulets and bronzes of ver\" minor interest. The
failure to locate the Brooklyn sculpture on the first reading was due to the curious

* Lieblein, Dictionnaire de noms hieroglyphiques, Leipzig, 1892, ll, 638, no. 1617.

^ Sale Catalogue, Amherst Collection, Sotheby, London, June 1921, no. 248, pi. xvii.

^ Catalogue des objets d’art . . . de feu M. le Comte de Pourtales-Gorgier, Paris, February 6, 1S65, no. 4.

156 JOHN D. COONEY

arrangement of the catalogue, where there is a section, for ‘Monuments egyptiens’
(Nos. 907-1020), while some half-dozen Egyptian statues and stelae are scattered,
almost hidden, among classical objects under ‘Sculptures’ at the beginning of the
catalogue. The reason for this segregation was clear when the statue was again located
in an earlier guidebook to the Pourtales-Gorgier collection^ prepared by Dubois for
visitors to the famous house in Paris. The guide follows the arrangement of the collec-
tions within the house, and apparently the statue of Sonbefni stood in the great entrance
hall. The guide as written by Dubois was reprinted with additions for the sale of 1865,
where the statue was purchased by Amherst.

Dubois was for many years assistant curator of antiquities in the Louvre, the compiler
of many catalogues, particularly sale catalogues, and was of a bibliographical turn of
mind, giving references to earlier catalogues and, when available, the modern history
of the pieces. It is thanks to his care that the romantic history of the Brooklyn sculpture
has been, at least in part, recovered. In the Description of 1841 (reprinted in the sale
catalogue of 1865), after describing the statue, he writes: ‘Cette sculpture, qui est
tres-bien conservee, faisait partie des sept objets d’antiquite apportes d’figypte en
I' ranee par le general Bonaparte, et qui furent I’origine de la collection reunie plus tard
au chateau de la Malmaison’, adding a footnote in which he lists the six other objects
with their location as known to him in 1841. So far as I have been able to discover,
no catalogue of the Egyptian material assembled at Malmaison was ever printed, though
detailed catalogues of the classical collection and of the paintings appeared at an early
date. There are, however, numerous contemporary^ references of an extremely general
nature to the tine Eg} ptian collection assembled by the Empress Josephine, seemingly
with the advice of Denon, but the writers who made passing mention of the Eg}’ptian
objects were interested in painting and included antiquities only as a gesture to the
catholicity of Josephine’s taste. Napoleon was generous, particularly with art objects
acquired on his travels, and he very probably gave this statue to Josephine as an exotic
souvenir for their newly acquired house. La Malmaison, to which she moved just after
his return from the ill-fated Eg)-ptian campaign.

It would be interesting to know the circumstances under which Napoleon acquired
this great sculpture in Eg^ pt, as the storv might yield a clue to its provenance. I have
made a few ventures into the morass of Napoleonic literature searching for the story
of the formation of his collection, but for one ignorant of that vast field the task is
formidable, and after acquiring a considerable body of interesting but totally irrelevant
facts, I gave up the task. Somewhere in the contemporary literature there must be
a mention ot some of Napoleon’s acquisitions in Egvpt. The statue mav be listed in
a rare sale catalogue of which I have been unable to locate a copy in this countiA',- but
it is improbable that this book would contain much information even if it lists the
Brooklyn statue. The publication of Napoleon’s seven Egvptian objects would make
an interesting article, and with the information provided bv Dubois,-’ there is no doubt

‘ J. J Dubois. Dfsiriptirin dts Antiques, faisant partie des cAleetiuris de M. le Comte de Pourtales-Gorgier,
Pans. 1S41. no. i.

‘ tSale Cataioeue) Pans, March 24, 1819, Mialmaisonl (Josephineh Direction C. P. Lacoste.

’ An early reference to one of these pieces, a huge red granite scarab, was also made by Dubois in Description

A SOUVENIR OF NAPOLEON’S TRIP TO EGYPT

157

they could be located (at least two are in the Louvre). Other souvenirs of the Egvptian
trip brought back by Napoleon in 1799 are still at Malmaison. The contemporary
paintings of Eg}’ptian notables, probably by members of Napoleon’s entourage, are
perhaps the most interesting of them. A surv^ev of his Egyptian loot would gi\ e us
a chance to estimate his taste in a field then almost totally new. Though the collection
contains the inevitable mummv, it sounds far better in Dubois’s brief listing than
the accumulations of many later visitors to Eg}-pt. Probably Napoleon brought the
Eg}"ptian collection back to France on the ship which so narrowlv escaped capture bv
the British. If that capture had been effected, Sonbefni would long since have reposed
in the British Museum. It is one of the minor ironies of collecting that this statue
again was lost to the British Museum when that great institution was an under-bidder for
the sculpture at the Amherst Sale of 1921, but apparently the bidder did not realize that
history was repeating itself on this occasion.

Despite this long modern history, going back to the very beginnings of Egyptology,
the Brooklyn statue apparentlv has never before been published, and the only illustra-
tion of it ever printed, so far as 1 am aware, was in the .A.mherst sale catalogue. It seems
incredible that the finest known squatting sculpture of the Middle Kingdom could
be in Western possession for a century and a half without publication and appear on
the New York market without documentation, but other Egyptian objects which have
appeared in the New York art market have even longer pedigrees.

A sequel to this article tracing the origin and development of the cube statue in the
Middle Kingdom will be published in a later volume of the Journal.

des objets d'art qui component le cabinet de feu M. le Baron I'. Dcnon, Pans, 1X2O, 110 160, with tlif ixplaiiation
‘Ce debris precieux a etc apportc d’Feypte par Napoleon, et faisait autrefois partii di la inaL'ni(ii|iu lolleetion
reunie ii la Malmaison'.

ANASTASI, SALLIER, AND HARRIS AND THEIR

PAPYRI

By WARREN R. DAWSON

The name of Sir Alan Gardiner is so closely associated with nearly all the most famous
or ‘classical’ of the Egyptian papyri, as well as with others that are not so widely known,
and of so many of which he has been the editor or interpreter, that it has occurred to
me that particulars of the persons whose names are attached to some of these papyri
might be of interest to him and to other readers of this Journal.

For many years I have, in the intervals of other work, been engaged in compiling a
kind of ‘Who ’s Who’ of Egyptology, my scheme including in its scope not only scholars,
excavators, and Egy'ptologists de metier, but also travellers, collectors, consuls, dealers,
and others whose names occur in the literature of our science. In compiling this record
I have made use not only of the published sources of information, but also of a very
large number of letters and other documents in various libraries and collections, public
and private, to which I have from time to time had access. As the conditions of the
present day are so difficult it may be a long time before I am able to complete or publish
my materials as a whole ; I therefore take this opportunity of composing from my notes
some account of three persons whose names are attached to papyri that have become
historic and are documents which have played an eminent part in the development of
scientific Egyptology. The names I have selected are Anastasi, Sallier, and Harris.

Anastasi

Giovanni Anastasi was an Armenian by birth and he assumed the name by which he is generally
known about i8oi, when resident in Egypt: his real name I have been unable to discover.' He was
bom in 1780 and was the son of a merchant of Damascus who went to Egypt during its occupation
by Napoleon, where he carried on a large business as a purveyor to the French Army. His son, then
a youth, accompanied him and assisted in the conduct of the business. The defeat of Napoleon
and the evacuation of the French troops brought ruin to Anastasi’s father, who seems to have died
about the same time, and it fell to his lot to rebuild the family fortunes and re-establish himself in
mercantile business. In this, after strenuous endeavour, he was eminently successful: he paid off
his father’s creditors and by 1825 he was one of the most considerable merchants in Alexandria
with a high reputation and much influence. He was persona grata with the Pasha whose favour he
enjoyed, and in 1828 he was appointed Consul-General in Egypt to the kingdoms of Norway and
Sweden,^ an office which he held until his death .3

‘ There is some variation in the spelling of the name. That which I have used I believe to be the correct
one, for it is that employed in the official consular records.

^ Not Denmark, as stated vxJEA 22, i and 24, 14, based on an error of Leemans.

' I have this information from the Swedish F.O. records. Hayes, JEA 24, 14, is wrong in stating that the
appointment dated from before 1820.

ANASTASI, SALLIER, AND HARRIS AND THEIR PAPYRI 159

The scientific commission sent by Napoleon to Egypt had created a taste for Egyptian antiquities
in Europe, and not only were wealthy amateurs eager to enrich their cabinets, but the national
museums (which up till then had been under the classical spell that despised everything ‘barbarian’),
decided to enlarge their scope and exhibit Egy^ptian antiquities in their galleries. Anastasi was
sharp enough to perceive that whilst still developing his normal mercantile interests a v'aluable
side-line was thus opened to him capable of producing a considerable revenue, as it was already
yielding to Drovetti, the French Consul. He accordingly employed agents,' both in Lower and
Upper Egy^pt, to buy and collect antiquities, which he had no difficulty^ in exporting to Europe on
account of his influence with the Pasha and the shipping facilities his business connexions provided.
It is very unlikely that Anastasi himself did any field-work : he was fully occupied with his business
in Alexandria, far from the sites of Sakkarah and Thebes, though he may have visited these localities
from time to time.

When Champollion arrived in Egypt in 1828, he had a friendly reception by Anastasi, and wrote
appreciatively of him.^ Anastasi had already been in communication w'ith Champollion before they
met, for when the latter was in Italy in 1824, Anastasi wrote to say that he had used the Precis du
systeme hieroglyphique to such good purpose that by its help he had been able to decipher some of
the names inscribed upon objects in his collection.^

Some years later, when Lepsius arrived in Egy'pt with the Prussian expedition, Anastasi intro-
duced him to the Pasha and secured many facilities for his party.^

The collections brought together by Anastasi were immense. Besides private sales made in
Egy'pt, he exported to Europe several large shipments. The first of these was made in 1826; the
second was bought by the Dutch Government in 1828 and is the basis of the great Egyptian collection
in the Leyden Museum p and a third was exhibited at Leghorn in 1838. Many of the antiquities
from the last-named consignment were sent on to London and sold by auction in September 1839.*
It was at this sale that the Trustees of the British Museum acquired the nine famous hieratic papyri
which were published in facsimile a few years later in the Select Papyri, as well as some funerary,
demotic, Coptic, and Greek papyri and many stelae and monumental antiquities.''

According to Budge, a collection was shipped to Leghorn in 1846, and Samuel Birch was sent by
the Trustees of the British hluseum to inspect it.*

Giovanni Anastasi died in Alexandria at the age of seventy-seven, early in 1857, and in recognition

' The name of one of these agents who operated in Upper Egypt, Piccinini, a native of Lucca, is known to
us. Champollion, Lettres, ed. Hartleben, n, 149. See also Winlock, T'-E'A 10, 232.

^ Lettres, ii, 25.

3 Lettres, i, 94. Champollion here wrongly calls A. ‘Consul general d’Autriche’. Other references to letters
from A., ibid. 210, 326, 346.

Lepsius, Letters from Egypt (English ed.), p. 39.

5 Lettres, i, 346, n. i.

^ The catalogue bears the title : Catalogue / of the very / Magnificent and Extraordinary / Collection / of
Egyptian Antiquities / the Property of G. Anastasi. A copy of it was lent to me in 1930 by the late Seymour
de Ricci.

’’ At the Anastasi Sale of 1839, the B.M. purchased more than 50 papyri: 22 funerar>% 13 demotic, ii
hieratic (including the 9 Anastasi Papyri par excellence), 5 Greek, i Coptic, and some unopened rolls and
fragments. These are enumerated, together with the 5 Sallier papyri, in Cat. Additions to MSS. iSjg, 17-22.
After 1839, the Egyptian papyri were transferred from the Dept, of IManuscripts to that of Antiquities, and
thereafter no annual lists of accessions were published. Some further papyri were bought at the Sale of 1857,
but in the absence of a published list, I do not know how many.

In the Life of Lepsius, by Ebers (transl. Underhill), it is stated (p. 133, note): ‘At this time [i.e. 1842] the
famous Anastasi papyri were also offered for sale in Berlin through Lepsius, and for a comparatively low price.
Yet at the same time there were no funds forthcoming for the purchase.’ This is clearly wrong, as the papyri
had already been acquired by the B.M. several years earlier.

* Budge, Memoir of Samuel Birch, p. 10.

i6o WARREN R. DAWSON

of his long association with Sweden he bequeathed, by his will, one-fortieth of his property to the
city authorities of Stockholm for charities, together with a large granite sarcophagus for the museum
there. His remaining antiquities were sent to Paris and dispersed there by auction. A catalogue
was drawn up by Francois Lenormant and it comprised 91 pages and 1,129 lots, consisting of
statues, stelae, mummies, and other large objects, together with multitudes of smaller antiquities
including 58 papyri and 21 ostraca.' Of the papyri, the piece de resistance was the great magical
codex in book-form and containing no less than 3,274 lines, which went to the Bibliotheque Natio-
nale (Lot 1073). Nearly all the principal museums of Europe as well as many private collectors
acquired valuable additions at this sale.®

Sallier

Fran9ois Sallier was a municipal official corresponding to the English ‘Borough Treasurer’
(Receveur des Finances) at Aix-en-Provence, and was mayor of the town in 1802 and 1806. He
rendered many public services to his native place and reformed the local financial administration.
He re-established the Ecole Secondaire (since called College Communal) at Aix, the free school
which had been founded by the Due de Villars many years before, but which was then in a languish-
ing condition, and he also played a part in the reorganization of the public library. ^

Sallier in private life was a collector of Egyptian antiquities, and at the time of his death, which
occurred at Aix, February 20, 1831, he had a small but choice collection. The stelae were acquired
from his heirs for the museum of Aix in 1832, and some further objects that had not been otherwise
disposed of were added in 1840.+ The gems of Sallier’s collection, however, were the papyri which
have been made historic by Champollion, and these were purchased by the British Museum in
1839.5 It is highly probable that all Sallier’s collection emanated originally from Anastasi.

There are five papyri, the four famous hieratic documents known as P. Sallier I-IV, and one
demotic (B.M. 10226). Champollion had studied these important texts with enthusiasm, and he
twice enjoyed Sallier’s hospitality at Aix for this purpose — once on his way to Toulon where he
embarked for Egypt, and again on his return. He spent two days at Aix (July 22-3, 1828) on his
outward journey, and in that short space of time he had already recognized the nature of the contents
of the four hieratic papyri, which he defines in a letter to his brother written two days later.® His
second visit to Aix was in Januar}" 1830, when he made a longer stay.^

' Catalogue / d’une Collection / D’ Antiquite's Egyptiennes j par / M. Frangois Lenormant. / Cette Collection /
Rassemblee par M. D" ANASTASI / Consul general de Suede a Alexandrie. Paris, 1857. A copy of this also was
lent to me by de Ricci. The sale occupied five days, June 23-7, 1857.

- Dr. Wijngaarden, JEA 22, i, seems to be under the impression that all the objects of the 1857 sale were
bought en bloc for the B.M. It is true that many of the lots at this and the 1839 sales were acquired by the
B.M., but there were many other buyers.

^ Rollard, Notice de la Bibliotheque d’Aix, p. 81, and information supplied by letter by M. Marcel Amaud
of .A.ix.

•* Deveria, Mem. et Fragm. l, 223-56.

5 Gardiner’s statement in L.-Eg. Misc. xvii, that the papyri were ‘purchased from M. Sallier of Aix in
Provence, in the year 1839’ is not quite accurate, for Sallier had then already been dead for several years. It
is significant that the papyri were sold in the same year as the Anastasi collection, and it seems probable that
Sallier’s heirs took advantage of the opportunity to dispose of the papyri in London.

* Lettres, ed. Hartleben, ii, 8-1 1. Champollion was introduced to Sallier by a mutual friend, Artaud,
Conservator of the museum of Lyons.

® Ibid. 473-9.

ANASTASI, SALLIER, AND HARRIS AND THEIR PAPYRI i6i

Harris

Anthony Charles Harris' was bom in London in 1790. He was engaged in eastern trade and as a
young man he established himself in Alexandria where he resided for the rest of his life, though he
revisited England in 1848 and probably also on other occasions. In Egyptological literature he is
almost always spoken of as British Consul in Alexandria, but this is an error, for Harris was never in
the consular servdce, but was for some time attached to H.M. Commissariat Department, from
which he retired on a pension a few years before his death.^

Harris must have been a very young man when he first went to Alexandria, for he was already
well established there by 1828, as the following letter to James Burton shows. ^ Burton some years
before had discovered, or rediscovered, a trilingual inscription on a stone built into the stmcture of
a mosque in Cairo. He was most anxious to obtain possession of the stone, a matter on which
Harris was consulted.

Dear Sir,

hF Barker^ has today shewn me a letter from your Eather to the Secretary' of State and another
from the Secretary of State to the Consul Gen' respecting the moving of your Trilinguar \sic\
Stone & having asked my opinion of the best plan to accomplish this object, I have advised him
not to introduce the subject at Alexandria lest the Erench ConsuF should become acquainted
with it. But as Colonel Cradock^ is going to Cairo & will probably leave on Monday and as the
Pacha is going tomorrow, it will be better to leave it to be introduced by a private interview
between the Colonel and the Pacha at Cairo. The Pacha can make a merit of the sacrilege by
repairing the Mosque & remove the stone during the operation. . . .

Yours very sincerely

Wednesday 14 Feb^ 1828 A. C. H.arris

It was ultimately found possible to remove the stone, which is now in the Louvre, but a cast of it
was soon made, for Harris wrote to Burton informing him of its arrival at Alexandria in a letter
dated August 29, 1829.^

During the whole period of his residence in Egj-pt, Harris was a collector of antiquities and to
some extent also a dealer in them.^ He, however, took an intelligent interest in the subject and was
in touch with various scholars in Europe and travellers in Egypt, with many of whom (such as
Birch, Chabas, and Hincks) he regularly corresponded. Birch communicated many of his letters to
the Royal Society of Literature. Thus, on January 14, 1847, he read a letter from Harris describing
e.xcavations made in 1845 on the site of Fort Julien, the locality of the Rosetta Stone, when drawings

' In my Life of Goodwin, p. 132, n. i, I gave his first name as Augustus in error, owing to a confusion in my
notes between two persons, both Harris, with the same initials.

^ Information kindly supplied by the F.O.

3 B.M. Add. MSS. 25659, f. 21.

John Barker (1771-1849), British Consul at Alexandria from 1825. He acted as Consul-General after the
death of Salt in 1827 but was not formally appointed till 1829; retired 1833. He was himself a collector of
antiquities and his collection, 258 lots, was sold (anommously) by Sotheby, Mar. 15-16, 1833. The B.M.
and Dr. John Lee of Hartwell were the principal buyers.

3 Bernardo Drovetti (1775-1852), French Consul-General under the Empire till 1814, and again, 1820-9;
the implacable rival of Salt, Champollion, .-knastasi, and all other collectors of antiquities.

* The Hon. John Hobart Cradock (Caradoc), only son of the ist Baron Howden; bom 1799; an officer in
the 29th Regt. of Foot; sent on a special mission to Eg>pt 1827-9; d'^d 1873.

’ Add. MSS. 25659, f. 54. As to the original stone, see Porter-Moss, Top. Bibl. iv, 73. It passed into the
Mimaut Collection at the sale of which, in 1837, it was bought for the Louvre (C. 122). The cast w’as Lot
382 in the Burton Sale, and it was purchased for 21J. by the well-known dealer Joseph Sams.

® Harris sold antiquities from time to time to visitors to Egypt as well as to other collectors such as Abbott
and Anastasi.

Y

WARREN R. DAWSON

162

of six other inscribed stones found there by Harris were exhibited; at the same meeting another
letter was read commenting on an inscription found by Salt at K5m Ombo, and of researches of his
own at Bubastis.i At the next meeting a letter was read announcing the discovery at Benha el-'Assal
of a granite lion bearing the cartouches of Harnesses II, a Greek inscription, and an inscribed stone
of Psammetichus II. ^ In December of the same year Harris announced that he had found, on the
supposed site of the library at Alexandria, a stone inscribed AlOZKOYPIAHZ f TOMOI. He also
related that he had purchased at Thebes 156 leaves of papyrus books containing texts from the
Old and New Testaments, Acts of Martyrs, Homilies, etc., written in Coptic, ^ and the Greek
papyrus of Hypereides,'^ of which he promptly published a facsimile,^ and he also communicated to
the Royal Society of Literature (of which he had been elected a Member in 1846) an account of the
document.^ Joseph Bonomi acted for Harris as distributor of this publication.’

Harris himself was present at the meeting of the Royal Society of Literature on June 22, 1848,
when he gave an account of his excavations in the neighbourhood of Sakkarah and Gizah. At the
latter he discovered an avenue of Sphinxes, some of which had been previously taken to Alexandria.*
His collection, even as early as 1846, contained many things of interest and importance, and Prisse
d’Avennes published an account of it.f

In 1852 Harris published his Hieroglyphical Standards supposed to be the Nomes or Toparchies, a
quarto with 8 plates, now a curiosity in the history of Egyptology and very rarely met with, but
nevertheless an effort creditable to its author when we consider the state of knowledge that existed
at the time.io early as 1836, Harris was president of the Egyptian Society at Cairo.

It is stated by Professor Newberry” that the tombs of Der el-Gebrawi were discovered by Harris
in 1850 and revisited by him in 1855, a statement repeated by Davies in his publication of those
tombs.” It is further stated by Davies that ‘in Roman times a Pretorian cohort of the Lusitani was
quartered at the capital of the province, and a relic of this occupation was discovered by Mr. Harris
in the village of Deir el-Gebr^wi. It is a black stone inscribed with a dedication of the camp to its

' Proc. RSL I, 243-4. * Ibid. 249. This Hon is now B.M. 857. ^ Ibid. 262.

* Now B.M. Pap. Gr. 108. There is reason to believe that this and the two Iliad papyri found on the same
occasion were bought by Harris from the Luxor dealer Castellari. The story told by Bmgsch {Mein Leben
und mein Wandern, pp. 12 1-2) that Harris himself found the Greek papyri on a mummy deposited in the
crocodile-grotto at Manfalut is obviously untrue. All three of the Hypereides papyri (those of Harris, Arden,
and Stobart, vide infra) were obtained at Thebes, and Harris himself expressly states that his papyrus came
from a Theban tomb {Proc. RSL i, 262 ; Trans. RSL, 2nd ser., 3, 178). The two papyri containing parts of the
Iliad, found at the same time, are now in the B.M. (Pap. Gr. 107, 126). It is stated erroneously in Cat. Addi-
tions to MSS. i888-g3, p. 391, that both were obtained by Harris ‘in the Crocodile-Pit at Ma'abdeh’. See
also Sayce in Petrie, Hawara, p. 24.

5 Fragment of an Oration against Demosthenes published by A. C. Harris, London, 1848. Joseph Arden,
F.S.A. (1800-79), of Cavendish Square and Clifford’s Inn, barrister-at-law, visited Egypt in the winter of
1846-7, and while at Luxor, Jan. 13-20, 1847, be obtained some valuable antiquities from native diggers,
including another Hypereides papyrus which was secretly sold to him on the express understanding that he
should not disclose the transaction to Castellari, of whom the natives stood in fear (letter from Arden to Lord
Londesborough, Feb. 14, 1853. Dawson MSS. 23, f. 143.)

* ‘Description of a Greek Manuscript found at Thebes’, Trans. RSL, and ser., 3, 178-82. This paper,
which is dated Rosetta, Sept, it, 1847, was read Jan. 13, 1848. In Nov. 1849 ChurchiU Babington discussed
the date and authorship of the text. Ibid. 377-84.

’ Add. MS. 38094, f. 189.

* Proc. RSL I, 273.

’ Rev. Arch. 2, 1846, 729 ff.

Brugsch says that Harris’s interpretation of the ‘sttindards’ formed the basis of all his own later geographi-
cal work in Egypt. Mein Leben, 123.

” EEF. Arch. Report, 1892-3, p. 14.

Deir el-Gebrawi, i, 1-2.

ANASTASI, SALLIER, AND HARRIS AND THEIR PAPYRI 163

deities, and it is now built into the interior of the village church.’^ I am informed by Dr. J. Grafton
Milne that this is erroneous, for the inscription was known a century before Harris’s time.^

The winter of 1854-5 was a momentous one for Egj'ptology, for it was then that many important
papyri, including a batch relating to the Theban tomb-robberies, were disposed of by the native
and other dealers. Harris made a journey to Upper Egypt in that winter and he was accompanied
by a London business friend who happened to be visiting him at Alexandria. I have seen the letters
written by the latter to his wife during his stay in Eg\'pt, and from the indications therein as well
as from other evidence, it seems clear that a considerable part of this find was bought by Harris
from Castellari,! though he afterwards resold some of the papyri. According to Budge, the Great
Harris Papyrus, the literary P. Harris 500, and the Harris Magical Papyrus were all found together
‘in a box hidden under the ruins of the Ramesseum at Thebes’. + Even if this be true, the judicial
papyri could hardly have been found with the others in the box. It would seem that Castellari had
the disposal of the ‘box’ papyri and also some of the judicial documents, for Harris secured at least
four of the latter, one of which he resold to Dr. Henry Abbott of Cairo, the other three remaining in
his own possession. Some other papyri of the tomb-robbery series escaped the clutches of Castellari
and were disposed of by the natives to various buyers. Luigi Vassalli, afterwards assistant to
Mariette, secured two of them,5 and the Rev. Henry Stobart two more.^ Other parts of the find
soon made their appearance : a papyrus bearing the name of Vanbrugh [alias Van Burgh, de Burgh)
was presented to the British IVIuseum in 1856,7 and another, divided by the natives horizontally into
two parts each of which was separately disposed of, went eventually to Lord Amherst and the
Brussels Museum.*

The papyri in Harris’s possession, according to a letter from Hincks to Chabas of December 26,
1863, at that time numbered thirteen, but in a letter to Renouf written in March 1866, Goodwin
informed him that he had seen Harris’s papyri when in Egypt the previous year and that there were
‘18 or 20’ of them. This may be no more than a vague approximation, but if it is correct, Harris or
his daughter must have parted with some of the papyri, for only twelve ultimately reached the
British Museum — nine Egyptian, and three Greek.

Harris died in Alexandria at the end of November 1869, in his eightieth year.^ He left an

' Ibid., 34-5.

^ Published in Corpus Inscr. Lat. in, 22. In Baedeker’s Egypt (ed. 1908, 224), the discovery is again credited
to Harris, and the additional error is made of calling it a Greek inscription.

3 The letters mention ‘an Italian antiquity merchant’, and Arden’s letter, quoted above, states that ‘an old
man, an Italian of the name of Castellari, who dealt in antiquities, had established himself for many years past
in a dwelling constructed upon a portion of the roof of the Temple of Luxor; and this man, as I was informed,
was in the habit of compelling the poor Arab excavators to surrender to him whatever treasure they happened
to find for some very insignificant amount ; he himself afterwards disposing of it to travellers for an enormous
sum’. See also Romer, Temples and Tombs of Egypt (1846), i, 148, 280.

■* Budge, Eg. Hieratic Pap., ist ser., p. xv; 2nd ser., p. 23. Breasted says these papyri were found in a shaft
20 ft. deep at Der el-Medinah, and wrongly gives the year in which Harris acquired them as 1857 {Edwin
Smith Surg. Pap., p. 25). Eisenlohr, on the other hand, says that the Great Harris Papyrus ‘was discovered by
the Arabs, with a great number of other papyri, in the rubbish of a tomb behind the temple of Aledinet-Abu’
{TSBA I, 368).

5 Vassalli sold them to the B.M. in 1856 (10068; 10383).

* The Rev. Henry Stobart (1824-95) collected some valuable antiquities during his visit to Egj-pt in 1854-5.

The two hieratic papyri {Mayer A and B) and some miscellaneous antiquities were purchased by Joseph Mayer
of Liverpool. The Greek and Coptic papyri and parchments (including a third Hypereides text) were acquired
by the B.M. 7 B.M. 10403.

* For the romantic history of the union of these two portions of the same papyrus, seejfEA 22, 169.

’ On Nov. 26, 1869, Eisenlohr wrote to Chabas that Aliss H. had shown him the papyri a day or two before,
and added: ‘le vieux Harris est tres malade: je ne pouvais le voir.’ On the 29th, Miss H. herself wrote to
Chabas announcing her father’s death (Virey, Notice Biogr. de Chabas, p. loi).

WARREN R. DAWSON

164

unmarried adopted daughter, a negress, Miss Selima Harris, into whose possession his Egyptian
collections and all his property — said to be very considerable — passed under the terms of his will.
She continued to reside in Alexandria (except for a visit to England in 1872), where Wilbour called
upon her in December 1880, when he wrote: ‘very bright and lively she is with her fifty years.’*
Miss Harris resolved to sell her father’s antiquities as an entire collection and refused to part with
any objects separately, although she had many offers for the Great Harris Papyrus. Mariette, for
instance, tendered frs. 50,000 for it on behalf of the Bulak Museum: she declined to accept the
offer and demanded between frs. 300,000 and frs. 400,000 for the whole collection, but the Viceroy
would not sanction so large a sum.^ She accordingly took the collection to England for the purpose
of selling it in London, and Eisenlohr, hearing of this, promptly went to London in the spring of
1872, perhaps with the intention of procuring it, if possible, for Heidelberg University . 3 The Trus-
tees of the British Museum, however, agreed upon a price that satisfied the vendor, and the whole
collection (which comprised a number of stelae, a stone sarcophagus,^ many small objects, and nine
papyri) was handed over to Dr. Birch. In addition to the Great Harris Papyrus (B.M. 9999), there
were the Magical Papyrus published by Chabas (Harris Inv. 501, B.M. 10042); the literary texts
(500; 10060); three judicial papyri dealing with the tomb-robberies (499; 10052-4);= a small
demotic fragment (10442); a fragment of a hieroglyphic Book of the Dead, Dyn. XIX or XX (498;
9990), and a long Dyn. XXI hieratic Book of the Dead (506; 10203). The Greek Papyri, No. 107
{Iliad) and 108 (Hypereides) were also bought from Miss Harris in 1872.^

It has often been stated that serious damage was caused to Harris’s papyri by the explosion of a
powder-mill near his house in Alexandria. The earliest mention of this known to me is the statement
by Maspero, when he published the text of P. Harris 500 in Journal asiatique in 1878,^ where
he says: ‘On dit que le manuscrit etait intact au moment de la decouverte; il aurait ete mutile,
quelques annees plus tard, par I’explosion d’une poudriere, qui renversa en partie la maison ou il
etait en depot, a Alexandrie d’Egypte. On pense qu’une copie, dessinee par M. Harris avant le
desastre, a conserve les parties detruites dans I’original ; mais personne ne connait pour le moment
I’endroit ou se trouve cette copie.’’ Goodwin, who saw the papyrus as soon as it arrived at the
museum, in publishing his editio princeps of the text^ in 1873 makes no allusion to the explosion,

' Capart, Travels in Egypt [Wilbour Letters], pp. 6, 7. Brugsch gives a full account of Miss H., who, in
spite of her unattractive appearance, seems to have been a lady of great accomplishments, speaking English,
French, Italian, and Arabic, and playing a prominent part in Alexandrian society: she had been educated in
England. Brugsch adds that towards the close of her Ufe Miss K. lost the fortune she had inherited and was
reduced to want {Mein Leben, pp. 122-3). During her visit to England in 1872 she was elected, on the proposal
of Birch, a Lady Member of the Soc. of Biblical Archaeology.

- l.etter from Mariette to Chabas, Sept. 15, 1871 (Virey, op. cit., p. 120). Lepsius had also endeavoured
to procure the papyrus when he visited Egypt in 1867, but was unable to offer a price satisfactory to Harris
(ibid., p. 72, n. 5).

3 Letters from Eisenlohr to Chabas (Virey, op. cit., p. 120).

B.M. 857, 961, 968-70, 982, 1001, etc.

= Published by Peet in his Great Tomb Robberies. Newberry {Amherst Papyri, p. 29) states wrongly that
one of these judicial papyri (‘Harris A’, B.VI. 10053) was found about i860 and acquired by the B.M. in 1885.
All three papyri were acquired together in 1872, and they were evidently treated as one lot, since they had a
single inventory number.

= The second Iliad papyrus (B.M. Gr. 126) was not acquired until 1888. It was then in the possession of
Hilton Price.

’ Reprinted in Etudes Eg. l, 1-2 (1879); the story is repeated in all the editions of Maspero’s Contes Popu-
laires. Observe the indefinite ‘on dit que’, ‘on pense que’.

3 TSBA 3, 340. Goodwin examined the papyrus during his visit to London in 1872, and he then made a
hand-facsimile of the text in one of his notebooks, which is amongst his papers in the B.M. (Add. MSS. 31278,
ff. 91-1 13). In view of the damage since sustained by the document this copy may be of great value in restoring
the text.

ANASTASI, SALLIER, AND HARRIS AND THEIR PAPYRI 165

but describes the papyrus as ‘much rubbed and broken’ and as ‘worn and frayed’ : evidently he
attributed its condition to the same causes which account for the present mutilated state of so many
papyri, namely, wear and tear in antiquity and careless handling in modem times. Budge, however,
repeats IVIaspero’s story with more elaboration. After mentioning the alleged discover}^ of the papyri
in a box, to which reference has already been made, Budge proceeds :

‘The greater number of the rolls of papyrus in the box were bought by Air. Harris, and were
kept by him for some years in his house at Alexandria. During these years he made copies of the
texts inscribed upon them, so that the contents of these precious documents might be preserved
even if the papyri were burnt or otherwise destroyed; unfortunately none of these copies was
subsequently forthcoming. What Air. Harris feared actually happened. An explosion took
place in the powder-mill near which his house was situated, and wrecked the greater part of it
and seriously damaged his papyri and the other Egyptian antiquities which he had collected
in it. Soon after the explosion, several of his papyri were purchased by the Tmstees of the British
A'luseum, and among them was the mutilated roll commonly known as “Harris 500’’.’'

1 do not know what authority there may be for Alaspero’s story or for Budge’s account of Harris’s
premonition of disaster and for the statement that he made copies of all the texts as a precautionary
measure. But the explosion must indeed have been a very extraordinary one and it had the most
diverse effects on the various papyri in the wrecked house. The Great Harris Papyrus was entirely
undamaged, so was one of the three judicial papyri, and, likewise, the long funeran,' papyrus is
intact, but the explosion’s effect on the Alagical Papyrus was the total disappearance of one half of
it and the intact preserv^ation of the other half.^ On Harris 500 the effect was quite different, for
instead of half of it being blown to limbo, the whole of it remains with some damage to the upper
margin, and numerous small cracks and breaks that mostly follow the direction of the fibres. In
short, the state of Harris 500 is that with which we are familiar in many other papyri and is clearly
no more than the result, on a rather fragile and brittle roll, of wear and tear, of excessive thumbing,
of unrolling without previous relaxation, and of careless handling before it was mounted.^ The effect
of the explosion on one of the judicial papyri (Harris A)-* was of yet another variety, for in this case
the lower quarter of each page was lost so that the severance took place horizontally along the whole
length of the papyrus instead of vertically across the middle as in the case of the Alagical Papyrus.
With regard to the second judicial papyrus (B.AI. 10054), the explosion caused a still more curious
phenomenon, ‘the upper layer of papyrus from part of the recto having been stripped completely

' Eg. Hierat. Pap., 2nd ser., p. 23. Are we to infer that the explosion happened after Harris’s death in
1869? A few days before, Eisenlohr had seen the papyri in Harris’s house, but he makes no allusion to any
damage by an explosion. Budge himself makes no reference to it in describing the Magical Papyrus (op. cit.,
ist ser., p. xv).

2 The photographic plates in op. cit., ist ser., pis. 20-3, show that the first six pages are still quite perfect
except for a small break at the top of the third which affects only a few signs in the first line.

3 See op. cit., 2nd ser., pis. 41-52. It is known that in Birch’s time many of the papyri in the museum were
not always adequately mounted and protected by glass, nor treated with the care and respect they receive to-day.
See Budge, Nile and Tigris, i, 26. The late Sir Ernest Budge told me in 1931 that when the Harris papyri
arrived at the museum in 1872, they had already been cut into lengths and were laid between sheets of paper
in cardboard covers, and added that they were probably not mounted and glazed for some time afterwards.
He also told me that he remembered seeing Goodwin at work on them, and in a letter, Mar. 13, 1931, he
wrote; ‘His skill was quite marv'ellous: he literally read the stuff at sight. I looked on as a youth and gaped!

+ Newberry in describing Harris A {Amherst Pap. 29) makes no allusion to the explosion, but Peet does so
{JEA 1 1, 47) and so does Alaspero in reviewing Newberr3'’s book {Et. de Myth, vii, 134). The tracings, accord-
ing to Newberry, were made by Miss H. and not by her father, as suggested by Budge. Chabas s plates of the
Mag. Pap. were lithographed not from tracings, but from photographs that Harris himself had sent in Sept.
1858 (Virey, op. cit., p. 19).

WARREN R. DAWSON

1 66

off and gummed over the corresponding page of the verso’ d The gumming was apparently Harris’s
method of repairing the damage, for it can scarcely be suggested that the explosion did the gumming
as well as the stripping. I submit that no explosion could have the effect of separating the two
layers of a papyrus without reducing both to fragments, and that this separation can only be due
to the loss of the adhesive property of the gum that originally united the layers, probably owing to
the roll having been kept in a damp place at some period in its long history, presumably in ancient
times. If the papyrus had been found to be wet and had been dried by a fire, the evaporation of the
moisture would account for the two layers coming apart.

Personally, I cannot help regarding the explosion story with the utmost scepticism. I have found
no reference to the matter in contemporary letters of Egyptologists: surely the news of such an
accident would have evoked some interest and solicitude as to the fate of the valuable papyri Harris
was known to possess. But apart from this negative evidence, information I have met with from
two independent but equally credible sources leads me to believe that the missing portion of the
Harris Magical Papyrus disappeared in a much less violent manner than is generally supposed,
and that, if this is indeed so, the explosion story must have been deliberately circulated as a smoke-
screen to cover the loss, and the damaged condition of some of the other papyri would then be
supposed to lend some support to the story. An explosion which wrecked a house and spared some
of the papyri in it and affected four others in such totally different ways is of such a singular kind
as to raise doubts; if all the papyri had been shattered to fragments, the tale would be easier to
believe.

J Peet, II, 45. He adds: ‘We may conjecture that the papyrus suffered in the same explosion in
Alexandria which played such havoc with Harris A.’

(167)

A NOTE ON P.S.I. 1160

By SIR HAROLD BELL

This papyrus, first published by Vitelli and Norsa in the Bulletin de la Societe Royale
d' archeologie d' Alexandria, No. 25 (1930), has been much discussed. It consists of what
is obviously the last column of a considerably longer document relating to an embassy
from Alexandria to ‘Caesar’, the main purpose of which was, as I believe, to ask for
the establishment of a senate, but according to the editors to plead against the abolition
of an existing one. ‘Caesar’ was understood by the editors as Octavian and the papyrus
dated in the first century B.C., the date of the proceedings recorded in the text being
taken as shortly after the Roman conquest and while Octavian was in Egypt but
temporarily absent from Alexandria. Mr. James H. Oliver, in an article published in
Aegyptiis, II (1Q30-1), 161-8, adduced arguments in favour of a later date. They
are not conclusive and did not convince the editors, but they are certainly weighty,
and the editors’ view cannot be regarded as more than possible. The hand is of an
early type, but might be as late as the reign of Tiberius, or perhaps Gaius. Even if the
papyrus really dates from later than the reign of Augustus it may, of course, still relate
to events in that reign, but this cannot be assumed, and ‘Caesar’ might in that case be
Tiberius or Gaius, possibly even Claudius; not, however, a later emperor.

I have, however, no wish to re-open a subject of controversy on which, in the present
state of our evidence, certainty is impossible, but rather to call attention to a material
factor which has not previously provoked much comment. The surviving column is
preceded by scanty remains (the ends of several lines) of a previous column ; and it is
itself headed /I k^, letters which are naturally taken as numerals, 40, 22. These, the
editors held, may be a reference to the source from which the text was taken, a rd/xo?
avyKoXXi^aLixos or composite roll numbered 40, and the column or document there
included which bore the serial number 22. There are some difficulties in this view,
since one can hardly suppose the number of the roll (40) would be repeated over every
column of this copy, and if this is the sole reference, one would rather expect it either
at the beginning of the text in question, that is, in a lost earlier column, or at the end,
that is, at the foot of this column; but it is not easy to find a convincing alternative
explanation.

The striking feature of the papyrus is that, whereas the last column is written across
the fibres, the preceding one was written along them; in other words, this sheet is
attached to the other in the reverse way, the fibres vertical instead of horizontal. It
was the (so far as I know all but invariable) practice, in making up rolls of papyrus in
the factory, to join the single sheets in such a way that all the horizontal fibres were
inside (the recto), all the vertical ones outside (the verso). There was one exception:
the first sheet (ttpojtokoAAov) was attached to the roll in the reverse way, vertical fibres

SIR HAROLD BELL

1 68

inside. A to/ao? avyKoXXt^aL^os, formed by joining together a number of related docu-
ments in an archive, might, of course, show varying arrangements of the fibres, since
individual documents incorporated in the composite roll might have been written on
the verso of a previously used sheet of papyrus, and therefore across the fibres. The
editors, as I have said, held that P.S.I. ii6o was copied from a composite roll, but they
did not suggest that it was itself such a roll; indeed, this hypothesis would not help,
for the surviving column is not an independent document but the continuation of a
long text. Why, then, is there this difference in the direction of the fibres?

I have said that in making up various documents into a composite roll for purposes
of custody (as was done in the public record offices) it might happen that one or more
of these documents had been written on the verso, and would therefore show the vertical
fibres on the inside of the complete roll. But it was also possible for private persons,
wishing to copy a long text and anxious to save expense by using second-hand papyrus,
to form a composite roll out of used sheets, which on occasion might include one with
the writing on the verso, the recto being either blank or containing so little writing
that it could be used again. There is, moreover, one apparent example, the only one
I can recall, of a sheet of papyrus being attached the reverse way of the others to the
original roll. This is P. Lond. 11 . 256, a composite roll made by a private owner out
of separate documents in order to use the verso for a copy of some orations. Kenyon
states: ‘One aeXls of the papyrus, in the middle of the roll, has been arranged in the
reverse way to the rest, so that its verso side lies with the recto of the rest of the roll ;
the writing is continuous across the junctures of this oeXls on both sides.’ It is thus
clear that this discrepancy was original and not due to the fact that a single document
used in making up the roll had been previously used on the verso.

The form of P.S.I. 1160 may be attributed, then, either to the accidental attachment of
a crcAt? to the roll in the wrong order, as in P. Lond. II . 256, or to the fact that the docu-
ment was copied by its owner on to a roll which he had himself made up from sheets
of used papyrus. In favour of the second hypothesis may be urged the facts that the
hand, of an informal literary character, does not look like that of an official clerk, but
suggests some literary or semi-literary purpose (the text may well belong to the class
of Acta Alexandrinorum), and that according to the editors there are a few lines of an
account on the back. I have, however, another suggestion which it seems worth while
to make.

There is an excellent facsimile of the papyrus in Signorina Norsa’s Papiri greci delle
coUezioni italiani, ii, pi. xi, which, for those to whom this publication is accessible,
will probably be more useful than that published with the editio princeps. The space
between the two columns is unusually small; after the surviving column there is a
broader piece of blank papyrus at the top (from which the upper layer of fibres appears
to have disappeared), and the text seems to reach a natural conclusion with the last
line of the column. We may therefore reasonably conclude that this is the end of both
the document and the roll. I have said that the first sheet of a papyrus roll was regu-
larly attached the reverse way to the others. Thus the fibres of the vpojroKoXXov were
vertical on the inside. Suppose a roll of papyrus had for some reason, perhaps in order

A NOTE ON P.S.I. ii6o

169

to cut off portions of it for separate use, been unrolled and then accidentally re-rolled
in the reverse way and turned upside-down, as would be necessary if it was to be used
in that form, the vpcoroKoXXov would come at the end, not the beginning, of the roll.

Is it possible that we have in P.S.I. 1160 an example of such use of a reversed roll;
that the surviving column is the (originally) first creXcs of the roll ? The fact that there
is writing on the other side (‘Nel rovescio infatti dell’ estrema parte dei rr. 4 sqq.
compaiono alcune poste di conti ... in scrittura anche essi attraverso le fibre’: P.S.I.
1160 intr.) is irrelevant to the question, but if my suggestion is correct we may prob-
ably conclude that the accounts were later than the other text, not anterior to it. In
that case, too, we have a proof (hardly, indeed, necessary) that at this period the irpoiTo-
KoXXov bore no such official inscription as the Byzantine protocol, not even in the most
embryo form.

The narrowness of the margin between the columns might perhaps be taken as an
argument against my suggestion, but I do not think it can be pressed : getting near the
end of the roll and forced to use the TTpioroKoXXov, the copyist was perhaps uncertain
whether his space was adequate and began his last column as close to the preceding
one as possible.

I am aware that the suggestion I have made is uncertain, aware, too, that even if
correct it is a very minor point, but it has at least some slight interest, and I hope that
this note will not be taken as altogether too trivial a tribute to the eminent scholar in
whose honour the present number of thQ Journal is prepared.

PHARAONIC SURVIVALS BETWEEN LAKE CHAD
AND THE WEST COAST

By G. A. WAINWRIGHT

During the last thirty-five years quite a literature has grown up pointing out scraps of
Egyptian culture that survive scattered all over Africa. Here it is proposed to confine
the inquiry to one area, and that is the country both about Lake Chad itself and
stretching westward therefrom.

There must have been two main routes to the west. The following pages contain
much evidence that the Benue River provided the one into southern Nigeria, but the
survivals in the far west and north-west must have come across the open country due
west of the Lake and a long way north of the Benue. There was also quite another
route by which some relics of Egypt reached the western and north-western lands.
This did not go past Lake Chad, but came from the north and north-east via Libya.

We start with the Bushongo, for the information which they provide gives the kind
of date and road by which influences, ultimately from Egypt, spread westwards across
Africa, The Bushongo are a tribe now living very far away to the south, but with the
tradition of having come from the north and actually showing signs of having originated
from the Shari River which flows into Lake Chad from the south. ^ Before leaving the
old homeland tradition tells how they acquired a complex of certain cultural elements.
Among the rest was the iron-smelting industry which they still work with the ancient
Eg}'ptian bowl-bellows that are shown in the paintings of Rekhmireq^ and which were
still used as late as 1837 in southern Kordofan^ on the road from the Nile to the Shari.
Tradition says that the art was revealed to the Bushongo by a ‘white man’,"^ their first
king whom they afterwards deified.^ He was not alone among the Negroes on the
Shari River, for at his death he divided the kingdom among the three best men, of
whom one was ‘white’ while the other tw'O were black. ^ The ‘grandson’ of this second
‘white’ man is described by tradition as being a ‘mulatto’, and it was to this mulatto

‘ Torday and Joyce, Les Bushongo, p. 43.

^ Ibid., fig. 272 and pi. 22, and Davies, Tomb of Rekhmire^' , pi. 52, lowest register and p. 53. The only change
is the improvement of using a rigid stick grasped in the hand instead of the workman’s treading the bellows
and raising the covers with a string.

3 J. Russegger, Reise in Egypten, Nubien und Ost-Sudan, ll, pt. 2, p. 292.

The Negroes regularly apply the term ‘white’ to anyone paler than themselves, and it has often been
applied to men from the Nile valley. The slave-hunters from Khartum earned the name ‘white devils’ from
their victims (F. Weme, Expedition to Discover the Sources of the White Nile, i, 183). Similarly, the Azande
called the Eg>’ptian troops who occupied their country' by a name ‘Azudia’ which implies ‘paleness’ (A. de
Calonne-Beaufaict, Azande, p. 31).

5 T orday and J oyce ; Bumba (the first king) was white, p. 20 ; was deified, pp. 20, 2 1 ; taught the iron-industry
to the ‘mulatto’ Woto, pp. ai, 235.

* Ibid., p. 21. The two black men were commanded to pay tribute to the ‘white’ man.

PHARAONIC SURVIVALS, LAKE CHAD TO WEST COAST 171

that the original deified ‘white’ man made the revelation. The recipient of the revelation
was reigning about a.d. 510. ^ The date at which the knowdedge of the iron-industry
and the use of the Egyptian bowl-bellows was taught on the Shari is significant. It is
just a century and a half after 'Ezana’s devastation of the country of Meroe and final
destruction of the city with its vast iron-smelting industry^ which took place about
A.D. 350.2 Clearly, then, the original ‘white’ man moved out from the Nile valley and
drifted away to the west, and, as has been seen, he was not alone.

Besides all this the ‘mulatto’ himself introduced the practice of circumcision , 3 which
again is Egyptian. Over and above the iron-industiy' and circumcision the Bushongo
have acquired at least one religious belief from Eg}'pt. It is that in multiple souls,
which, of course, is derived from the Egyptian belief in the Hence, it is very clear
that it was a strong infiltration of Egy^ptian, actually Meroitic, culture which origi-
nated that of the Bushongo. It is also clear that the disaster to Aleroe resulted in an
increase of civilization in the country of the Shari on the south of Lake Chad. In
fact the increase was such that to later generations it appeared as the creation of the
world.

On the Pharaoh’s public appearances part of his state consisted in the great semi-
circular ostrich-feather fans by which he was attended. Similar ones prove to be the
regular appanage of royalty in the country round Lake Chad, more especially to the
south of it. On the east side of the Lake the king of Wadai has three of them, and in
south-eastern Wadai the king of Sulla has nine.’ In Bagirmi, along the eastern bank of
the River Shari and so a little south-east of the Lake, the king has a number of them.
When Barth visited him in 1852 he only had six,^ but at the time of Nachtigal’s visit in
the 1870’s he was attended by twelve. 3 ' The king of Chekna in the same country was
on one occasion attended by 120 of them.® West of the Shari and even of the Logone,
and due south of the Lake, they are in use again at Mora.^

It is self-evident that these state fans must have been derived ultimately from Egypt,
no doubt through hleroe, though curiously enough no pictures of them survive from
the latter place. However, great ostrich-feather fans, though apparently only for private
personal use in the hand, were known in Nubia in comparatively early days and no
doubt continued long in use. Some sixtv were found at Kerma dating to the Hvksos
period, and in the reign of Tut^ankhamun two of the usual sort on long staves were

' The Bushongo have an official keeper of the traditions, and the long list of kings makes it possible to
calculate these dates, Torday and Joyce, pp. 19, 36, 37.

^ For the vast slag-heaps at Aleroe see Garstang, Sayce, and Griffith, Meroe, p. 21 ; Sayce, in Ann. Arch.
Anthr. (Liverpool), 4, 55. The present writer has discussed all this in detail in Sudan Notes and Records,
26, 19-24. For 'Ezana’s destruction see E. Littmann, Deutsche Aksu?n-Expedition, iv, 33-4, Inscr. ii. The
evidence for his date is given by Budge, A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia, 147-51.

^ Torday and Joyce, p. 21.

Seligman in Ancient Egypt, 1915, p. 106. The belief is widespread among the Negroes.

5 G. Nachtigal, Sahara und Sudan, ll, 605, pi. facing p. 600, and fig. on p. 604.

* H. Barth, Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, ill, 402 and pi. facing p. 405.

Nachtigal, ii, 604.

® O. Macleod, Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa, p. 169 and photograph facing p. 168.

9 Wainwright in Bull, de la soc. stdtanieh de geogr. (Cairo, 1919), 9, pi. 8, no. 53 and p. 1S7.

Reisner, Excavations at Kerma, iv, 315-17 and pi. 68.

G. A. WAINWRIGHT

172

brought by the retinue of the Nubian princess, while she herself had a similar sort of
thing which was presumably attached to her chariot.^

Stretching south-westwards from the western shore of Lake Chad lies the country
of Bornu, and from the southern border of this country the Benue River flows away
due west until it joins the lower Niger. In Bornu itself and in western Nigeria canoes
are used for burial, a custom which seems unreasonable in itself but is explicable by
reference to Egyptian views on the After Life, where boats were so necessary.

In Bornu sheikhs used to be carried to their burial in a canoe, and until recently at
any rate such a burial canoe could be seen at the tombs of the sheikhs at Kukawa.^
Across the Niger and south of the junction of the Benue the corpse of an old man is
carried to the grave ‘in a shallow trunk hollowed out like a canoe’ in the Uzaitui
country.3 Due south of that, in the Sobo country, a small canoe is carved and buried
in a grave alongside that of the corpse, and if for any reason the body cannot be recovered
two of these canoes are buried.'^ Due east of Uzaitui and on the Niger itself is situated
the town of Idah. Here the Ata (king) is buried in a canoe-shaped coffin.^ Elsewhere,
it is probably the Egyptian’s hope that he would sail over the Heavens in the boat of
Re^, the Sun-god, that is responsible for the view of the Hereafter held by the Upoto
on the northern curve of the Congo. They consider that the moon is in a huge boat
which sails across the whole world picking up the souls of the dead and conveying
them to Libanza the Sky-god.^

Not only are Egyptian influences to be found beyond the two ends of the Benue,
but all down its length they are very strong. The Kilba live between its upper course
and Mora, one of the places where the Egyptian state fans are used. The new chief
of the Kilba is formally presented with the royal crook, which he holds on his right
shoulder, while a three-tailed flail is carried by one of his officials as the symbol of the
chief’s power. It needs no emphasis that these are of Egyptian origin. Farther along
the river both of these implements appear again but they have got separated, a process
that was already beginning with the Kilba. Thus, not far away the Bachama live at
the junction of the Gongola with the Benue. Among them the crook is carried on the
right shoulder by each elder of the tribe at the ceremonial hoeing of the ground,® but
nothing is said about the flail. Ceremonial hoeing is, of course, an important fertility
occasion. Farther down the river it is the duty of the third senior official to place on

' Nina de G. Davies, The Tomb of Huy, pis. 28, 29. The one on her chariot is generally spoken of as a
sunshade to which use it was no doubt put, but surely it could hardly have been attached to her headdress as
it certainly looks and is sometimes supposed to be.

- Palmer in Man, 1937, p. 183.

^ N. W. Thomas, Anthropological Report on the Edo-Speaking Peoples of Nigeria, i, 43. Young people, on
the other hand, are carried on a framework or flat bier of bamboo.

■* Ibid., 44, 45.

5 Monckton in J. African Soc. 27 (1927-8), 164, Appendix A (iv) and figs.; Clifford in jf. Roy. Anthr.
Inst. 66, 428 and fig. on p. 430. The two authors give very different versions of a story about the body of
the father of the first Ata having been brought to Idah m a canoe which was then used as a coffin. No doubt
this actually happened, but it is clearly not the origin of the custom of canoe-burial.

J. G. Frazer, The Worship of Nature, p. 148 quoting M. Lindeman, Les Upotos, p. 43.

’ C. K. Meek, Tribal Studies in Northern Nigeria, i, 184 and n. i.

® Ibid., 33, 34 and pi. 6 where it is shown alongside a Pharaonic one.

PHARAONIC SURVIVALS, LAKE CHAD TO WEST COAST 173

the shoulder of a new chief of the Chamba of Donga the hippo-hide whip which is
the emblem of chieftainships After this we come to Wukari where the new Jukun
king is ‘offered a whip with several tails (flail)’,- which is placed on his shoulders At
his death the whip has to be returned to the priestly official along with the other
emblems of royaltyS

It is well known that attempts at mummification in one form or another are widely
practised by the NegroesS The following are newly reported cases and they occur
along the Benue.

The Kilba, who have just been mentioned as retaining the crook and flail, also have
an elaborate method of dealing with the corpse, which, as Mr. Meek says, must with
little doubt be a derivation from the Egyptian custom. They even give such a burial
to a commoner.^ Next to them live the Fali, and they swathe the corpse with as many
bandages of cotton and leather as can be afforded. The author veiy^ naturally describes
the wrapped body as a ‘mummy’. ’ Farther down the river at the above-mentioned
Wukari the body of the Jukun king is desiccated, disembowelled, smeared with butter
and salt, massaged, and then tightly bandaged with strips of cloth;® a ver}^ complete
process.

On the Niger a little north of the junction of the Benue lies the country^ of Nupe,
whence the god Shango came southwards and south-westwards into Yoruba-land,^
i.e. the hinterland of Lagos, and his derivation from Amun is unmistakable. He is
the sky-god and, as a sky-god should in those regions, he sends the rain and hurls the
thunderbolt. ^0 His sacred animal is the ram, and one lives in the palace at Oyo in
charge of a Shango priestess. “ Rams are sacrificed to him at his great festival in
November and by those who can afford it in great numbers."- His image at Oyo has a
ram’s mask,"^ the cover of the casket which holds his ‘fire medicine’ is in the form of a
pair of rams’ heads, and the energy of a fresh horse is compared to the vigour of
‘Shango’s rams’. All this is very suggestive of Amun, as was seen originally by Frobe-
nius and more recently ’oy Dr. Meyerowitz."^ Not only was Amun a ram-god, as is
well known, but the present writer has recently shown that he was a sky-god as well
and almost certainly had a meteorite as his sacred object."’ Fortunately, we can be even

‘ Ibid., 334. - Sir Richmond Palmer, The Bornu Sahara and Sudan, p. 131.

3 C. K. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, p. 137. Ibid., p. 172.

5 N. W. Thomas in Ancient Egypt, 1921, pp. 7-10; Seligman in Studies Presented to F. LI. Griffith, pp. 458-
60, and pi. 73, fig. a; Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, pp. 169 f.

® Id., Tribal Studies in Northern Nigeria, i, 196-8, 220; id., A Sudanese Kingdom, p. 170.

Lebeuf in^. soc. des Africanistes, 8, ii i f., and pis. 4-6. No mention is made of any attempt at preserving
the body.

* Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, pp. 167-9. ^ L. Frobenius, The Voice of Africa, i, 210.

Frobenius, op. cit., p. 205. Neolithic axes are sacred to him, and in Yoruba-land, as elsewhere, they
represent the thunderbolt (D\^-yer in Man, 1903, pp. 183, 184; Scott Macfie, ibid., 1913, p. 170; Frobenius,
op. cit., pp. 217, 218).

“ Meyerowitz in Man, 1946, p. 26, n. 8. Frobenius, op. cit., p. 212.

” Ibid., p. 218. Ibid., p. 210. ’’ Ibid., p. 218.

Loc. cit., p. 26, though much of the Egyptology requires editing.

JEA 20, 139-52; ZAS 71, 41-4; Ann. Serv. 42, 183-5. His original from whom he was derived,
Min, had the thunderbolt as his symbol (Wainwright in JEA 17, 185-95) and was a sky-god like .\mun (ibid.,
21, 152-70).

G. A. WAINWRIGHT

174

more definite in ascribing Shango’s derivation to Amun, for we have material evidence
that it was so. It is provided by the badge of the Shango priesf^ which is a crudely
made replica of the quite common ram’s head symbol of Amun wearing the wsh collar.
In fact, the Eg}"ptian wsh collar had quite a vogue among the Yoruba for that of the
priest of Olokun was of that shape also.- This one was clearly intended to be hung
round the neck, for it has loops for suspension at its ends. The Shango badge seems
to have a hook at the top.

The identification of the ram with the storm is, however, by no means confined to
the Yoruba, but is widespread throughout West Africa. Far to the east in Calabar and
the Cameroons it is said that thunder is a great ram which marches across the sky,^
and in the same neighbourhood another tribe sacrifices a ram to the thunder-god.^
Farther away still, this time to the north-west of Yoruba-land, the idea is found again
in northern Togo-land, also among the Mossi of the Upper Volta Province, and very
much farther on again among the Mande in Senegambia.^

It is curious that just as the crook and flail have got separated along the Benue, so
does the ram there represent, not the storm, but that other side of Amen-Ref, the Sun.^
In this identification the tribes of the Benue agree with the Hausa to the north of them,^
and the Hausa agree with the solar side so commonly given to the Amun ram in Libya
farther north again and north-east.^ In Libya the rock graffiti are well known which
show the ram with the sun’s disk on his head,^ and it will not be forgotten that Amen-
Re^’s worship spread out into Libya via Siwah.

Another belief that is widespread in West Africa and also occurs in the country
south of Lake Chad is that in the Beginning the sky either touched the earth or at least
lay very' near it, and in due time it was lifted up or lifted itself up. Thus, near Marwa,
south of jMora, it is said that the sky was pushed up by the exuberant growth of the
trees. Some fifty or sixty miles west of Marwa the Margi suppose that the sky was
originally so near the earth that men could touch it.” On beyond the Benue, in the
Niger Delta and the northern Cameroons, the Sun and the Sky felt that as Man had
obtained fire he could warm himself so that there was no need for them to remain so
close to the earth. So they withdrew to their present distance.’- The belief in the
original closeness of the sky is widespread throughout the Gold Coast Colony and
the Northern Territories, and also Liberia. In the country of the Gold Coast and its
hinterland the belief is held, for instance, by the Krachi, Dagomba, Ashanti, Adele,

‘ Meyerowitz, pi. I-J, fig. 3, facing p. 129 oi Man, 1940. ^ Ibid., pi. I-J, fig. i.

^ P. Amaun’ Talbot, The Peoples of Southern Nigeria, in, 969.

■* Id., Tribes of the Niger Delta, p. 24. 5 Frobenius, op. cit., pp. 219-21.

* Ibid., pp. 221 ff. ; Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, p. 192. ’’ Frobenius, op. cit., p. 221.

* Ibid., pp. 223, 225, where, however, it is all mixed up with some very unfortunate Egyptologj-, as is so
much of this chapter.

Joleaud inj. soc. des Africatiistes 3, 197-282, has an important study on these Saharan graffiti, and on

pi. II, figs. 4, 5, 6, shows some fine examples of these rams. Frobenius shows one from Oran on p. 225. O. Bates,
The Eastern Libyans, pp. 195-200, has a useful collection of information and reproduces several of the graffiti.
Foumeau in^. soc. des Africanistes (1938), 8, 172.

“ Meek, Tribal Studies in Northern Nigeria, l, 221.

P. Amauiy Talbot, Tribes of the Niger Delta, p. 342.

PHARAONIC SURVIVALS, LAKE CHAD TO WEST COAST 175

Ewe, and Kassena,i and in Liberia by the Kpelle.^ Each tribe gives a different reason
for the Sky’s removal, but they all agree that it was because humanity kept getting in
the way of the Deity. Either the smoke of their fires got in his eyes, or he was continu-
ally getting hit by the long pestles of the women who were pounding yams or other
things, and so on, until in disgust he removed himself from such troublesome people.

The Lifting up of the Sky is very prominent in the religion of Ancient Egypt, and
many gods are shown in the act, and festivals were held in its commemoration when
kings performed the ceremony.^ It was specially performed for Amen-Re^ after which
came the Festival of his Entry to the Sky."^ A hymn to him of the Eighteenth or early
Nineteenth Dynasty says ‘Thou hast lifted up the sky and pushed back the soir,^ and,
again, another hymn of a date not later than Ramesses H addresses Amen-Rec with
the words ‘thou who ( ?) hangest up the heaven’.^ The idea also passed into the religion
of Ethiopia, whence Negro Africa obtained so much of its culture. One thing the
Negroes did not accept was that curious Egyptian view that the Sky was female.
With them the Sky is male, a role much more suitable to its usual violence.

* A. W. Cardinall, Tales Told in Togoland, p. 15; J. Spieth, Die Ezee-Stdmme, p. 423.

^ D. Westermann, Die Kpelle, p. 533, no. 28. ^ Wainwright in JEA 20, 145; 21, 168.

+ Ibid., 20, 145, and cf. p. 151. ’ Bakir in Ann. Serv. 42, 87, 1 . 13.

^ Gardiner, Hierat. Pap. Brit. AIus., 3rd ser., p. 96, and for the date see p. 78.

t Leps. Denkm. v, pi. 13, figs, b, d, where Tirhakah upholds the sky at Barkal; pi. 55, figs, a, b, \there King

Natakamani and Queen Amenitere assisted by deities do the same at Ben Xaga to the south of Meroe.

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NEW DELHI.

■V

•>nd A. H. G.tRDiNER, with
ANOTHER (Nos. 86,
2I. I. By N. DE G.
. 11 . By N. PE G.

EY AND
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